This book is not a litany of the many terrorist attacks that have occurred over the last five years, nor is it a value judgement on how the media have reported on these events. Its ambition is to question the issues at stake in emerging journalistic practices and to raise a number of subsequent ethical questions. In 2017 Linnaeus University took the initiative to organize an international conference focusing on journalism in a world of terrorism – terrorism in the world of journalism. Our aim was to understand what it means in 2018 to report on terrorism in different national contexts. The conference (held 9-10 May, Kalmar) offered a unique opportunity for academics and journalists to come together in order to share experiences, discuss and reflect on the numerous dilemmas journalism in the world of terrorism has to cope with. Accordingly, this book depicts the wide diversity of approaches as well as reports the richness of the dialogue between practitioners and researchers – which constitutes the overall originality of this joint venture project between the Department of Media and Journalism and the Media Institute Fojo. Indeed, conflicts and terrorism nowadays constitute a field of study particularly conducive to assessing the role of media in contemporary democratic societies. The same also applies for societies engaged in transition and democratic consolidation processes, which are simultaneously facing the threat of terrorism (as is, for example, the case of Tunisia, Niger, Algeria and Morocco – countries from which some of the participants came). Some key issues were particularly under scrutiny: How does terrorism affect the media and their coverage of these events? Are the media an integral part of the strategy of terror deployed by the main actors (lately almost exclusively from Islamist extremist groups)? To answer these crucial questions, academics and professionals certainly had to examine all facets of the existing links and interrelations between the terrorist phenomenon and the media. A common experience articulated by researchers and journalists alike is that conflicting crises, as well as terrorist attacks, will necessarily affect reporting because of their sensational manifestations – it is impossible to not tell the story even if it might add to the pain of victim countries.

 2015 became a dramatic year for both Europe and Sweden. The war that staggered in Syria and the in the Middle East caused people to flee in unimaginable amounts. For Sweden, which traditionally has a generous asylum policy, and in front of the refugee stream, was ready to increase its refugee quota, this year would change both the political climate and the media landscape. In a short period of time, opinion swung from an extreme to another, and the political rhetoric changed. In this presentation, on the one hand, we want to describe what actually happened; who were the players in the media arena, what actual events led Sweden to go from a relatively strong consensus on an open reception of refugees to closed borders? We also want to explore the role of alternative media (anti-system media) in this spell and how traditional media where obliged to relate to the proactivity and the impact of alternative media.

This special issue of the Journal of Alternative and Community Media presents five articles that examine right-wing alternative media from different countries and contexts: Brazil, the United States, Germany and Finland. They focus on different aspects of a phenomenon that has come to the forefront of public debate in recent years, due to the many apparently successful alternative media enterprises that can be characterised as conservative, libertarian, populist or far to extreme right wing on a political scale. While there has been much (and often heated) public debate about this, researchers tend to lag behind when it comes to new trends, and a transient and rapidly changing media landscape. The articles in this special issue are therefore especially valuable, since they all provide empirically grounded perspectives on specific cases that illustrate different parts of a large puzzle that is in much need of illumination. This special issue is of use not just to communication research, but also to the public debate on disinformation on the internet.

The colonial territories of European powers on the African continent were forced to participate in the war effort between 1914 and 1918. A large number of men were thus sent to Europe to fight alongside European soldiers, or then to serve as workers to replace the Frenchmen or the Englishmen sent to fight their common ennemy... The mobilization and participation in the fighting of the non-European populations did not only have the effect of reinforcing the military power of the colonial powers. More insidiously, they were an opportunity for combatants to become aware of their singularity as non-citizens mobilized in defense of a cause that was not theirs. Slowly but surely a feeling of unease has developed because of the existing gap between the war effort demanded of the colonized and the little gratitude expressed in return by the European colonial empires. In the inter-war period, this will, on the first hand, feed the ideas of emancipation and, on the second hand, of independence... To account for this slow but inescapable erosion of European domination in the colonial territories, this article proposes to see to what extent the rise of the written press, in the hands of Africans, can usefully illustrate both the emancipation of the natives and the rise of political demands, that will eventually spell the end of any European claim to continue to rule the world.

Au lendemain de l'indépendance, l'élite politique en Tunisie réserve un intérêt particulier à l'audiovisuel. La radio et la télévsion publiques sont considérées alors comme un moyen puissant pour communiquer, éduquer, divertir et contrôler la société dans son ensemble. Avec l'avènement de la Révolution du 14 janvier 2011les choses ont commencé à changer. Cet article tire les enseignements qui s'imposent de l'expérience passée et présente de la radio et télévision publiques en Tunisie, s'interroge sur les mesures à déployer pour une véritable culture de service public et de citoyenneté en Tunisie et avec quels moyens.

In the aftermath of independence, the political elite in Tunisia has had a particular interest in broadcasting. Public radio and televsion are then seen as a powerful means to communicate, educate, entertain and control society as a whole. With the advent of the Revolution of January 14, 2011 things started to change. This article draws the necessary lessons from the past and present experience of public radio and television in Tunisia, questions the measures to be deployed for a true culture of public service and citizenship in Tunisia and with what means.

This article argues that media and information education should be viewed more broadly than in the one school setting. While in some countries experiencing a chaotic political transition, users of social networks make increasingly their voice heard on current events, there is no media and information literacy to frame this new phenomenon of virtual floor jack. In these conditions, it is not uncommon that they peddle hatred and disinformation messages, making them a threat to peace and security. The case of countries concerned by the "Arab Spring" perfectly illustrates this trend, even if, as in Tunisia, for example, alternatives are gradually set up outside the education system to promote the missing professionalism, responsibility and basic ethical principles.

Au cours des dernières années, une série de nouveaux médias alternatifs sont apparus qui se sont particulièrement intéressés à la critique des politiques d'immigration et des médias traditionnels. Le blog Avpixlat (maintenant: samnytt.se), le journal en ligne Fria Tider et l'hebdomadaire de presse Nya Tider sont des exemples de médias avec: profils idéologiques assez différents, mais un accent clair et critique sur l'immigration et les représentations journalistiques dominantes de la réalité en commun. Leur message est que les médias traditionnels dissimulent ou faussent l'information sur les conséquences sociétales et culturelles négatives de l'immigration et que les principaux journalistes ont fait équipe avec les élites politiques et se livrent à la chasse de gens ordinaires sans tenir compte des abus commis par ceux qui sont au pouvoir. Ces médias (en particulier les médias participatifs en ligne) doivent être analysés à la lumière de leur position de correcteurs perçus des médias traditionnels. Même s'ils ont beaucoup en commun, il est important de pouvoir en discuter de l’ensemble tout en tenant compte de leurs différences. Le but de ce document est de développer un cadre théorique pour comprendre la rationalité de ce type de critique et de discuter de leur impact sur le discours public de manière plus nuancée. En s'appuyant sur des entretiens avec des personnes actives dans les médias alternatifs critiques vis-à-vis de l’immigration (ICAM) les plus importants en Suède, sur leur perception des grands médias et leur vision de la participation à la société démocratique.

This collection brings together 13 papers by 16 authors presented at the international conference “Reporting on attacks on Dubrovnik and recognition of Croatia”, held in Dubrovnik, Croatia, in October 2011. It provides a combined scientific and practical overview of the role of the media and journalists during the attack on Dubrovnik in autumn 1991 by the federal army (JNA) and Montenegrin reservists. This book represents a primary source of information about the propaganda war waged during the conflict between Croatia and Serbia in 1991, because some of the contributors were practical journalists and ministers during the events of that year. The book is structured in three parts: global media, international relations, and strategic communication during wartime; the example of Dubrovnik, and the practices of wartime reporting from the Dubrovnik area; and media analysis on the subject of war in Dubrovnik and Croatia.