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  • 1. Abrahamsson, Agneta
    et al.
    Agevall, Lena
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Välfärdssektorns projektifiering: kortsiktiga lösningar av långsiktiga problem?2009In: Kommunal ekonomi och politik, ISSN 1402-8700, Vol. 13, no 4, p. 35-60Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 2.
    Abrezol, Caroline
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    New regionalism: the cases of NAFTA and MERCOSUR: How can regional co-operation be explained?2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The end of the Cold War crucially changed the way in which the world is organised and brought an end to what is referred to as the “old” regionalism. A trend towards some form of “new” regionalism has thus been observed during the 1990s. The objective of this thesis is therefore, firstly, to outline the characteristics of the new regionalism in order to examine to what extent the phenomenon is reflected in the reality of regional organisations, and, secondly, to establish which model of co-operation the same organisations can be said to follow. Following this idea, a comparative case study is performed with the selected cases of NAFTA and MERCOSUR, on which a theoretical model for analysis is applied in order to establish whether theories of International Relations, in this case Liberalism and Realism, can explain the emergence and existence of both organisations.

    Results show that NAFTA is less inclined to show signs of the trend towards the new regionalism than MERCOSUR does, and that NAFTA to a larger extent follows a realist model of co-operation, while MERCOSUR follows a more liberal model of co-operation.

  • 3. Adman, Per
    et al.
    Strömblad, Per
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Abandoning intolerance in a tolerant society: Explaining time related change in recognition of political rights among immigrants in Sweden2016In: Presented at SWEPSA 2016: Uppsala University, Campus Gotland, October 19–21, 2016Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 4.
    Adman, Per
    et al.
    Uppsala University.
    Strömblad, Per
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Political Trust as Modest Expectations: Exploring Immigrants' Falling Confidence in Swedish Political Institutions2015In: Nordic Journal of Migration Research, ISSN 1799-649X, E-ISSN 1799-649X, Vol. 5, no 3, p. 107-116Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Political trust among immigrants in Western Europe seems to be surprisingly high, especially among immigrants from non-democratic countries with institutions plagued by corruption. Over time, however, trust tends to diminish among these individuals. In this paper we argue that this may neither be explained by acculturation nor by experiences of discrimination. Analysing Swedish survey data we instead conclude, although tentatively, that falling expectations regarding the performance of host country institutions is a fruitful explanation. Such expectations presumably become more modest the longer one has been living in Sweden, causing a time-related drop in the overall confidence in Swedish political institutions.

  • 5.
    Adnerhill, Therese
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    One committee - two institutions?: The Committee of European Affairs in Sweden and Denmark2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In order to have some say and to scrutinise the government all member states of the EU today has established an institution within their national parliaments, the Committee of European Affairs. This institution, however, has very different rights and regulations depending on the country it is established in. This study uses two rather similar countries, Sweden and Denmark, and investigates what differences and similarities the two committees show.

    By constructing a comparative case study of four units of analysis, the governments and committees of European Affairs in Sweden and Denmark, the formal and informal power relationship between government and committee in each country were studied in order to determine similarities and differences and whether the committee had an impact on the governments’ EU policies. Further they were compared, assessing whether the Danish Committee of European Affairs was more powerful than its Swedish counterpart because of its legal basis in an EU document.

    The theoretical framework was built on empirical institutionalism and Lukes’ first and second dimension of power. The similarities and differences were accounted for and compared. In conclusion, the Danish Committee of European Affairs has more formal power than its Swedish counterpart but regarding informal power the Swedish Committee of European Affairs has a slight advantage. Both committees have an impact on the way their government handle negotiations with the EU.

    Keywords: formal power, informal power, the Committee of European Affairs, Sweden, Denmark

  • 6.
    Afsah, Daniel
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ukraina som nation & stat: En studie om hur etniska motsättningar kan vara ett hinder för demokratiseringsprocessen & hur det skulle kunna lösas.2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose with this study is to investigate, scrutinize and to understand the current political situation in Ukraine and why it has not been progressed. The disastrous democratic process and the country´s existing and indefatigable problems are studied through dynamics that deals with the country’s ethnic divisions and the conflict with Russia regarding several regions in Ukraine. In this paper, a case study is used as the method, and by applying Anna Jarstads dilemmas of democracy process and Arend Lijpharts Consociational democracy is as well, the investigation shows that this system of democracy model can be successful Ukraine if they take regards to Anna Jarstads four dilemmas. The conclusion of this study means that it is important to take regards into the dilemmas of democracy and therefore must be regarded to when a country is trying to build a state based on democracy and that no improvement can be done without it. And the process of democracy should take impression of the Consociational democracy model, otherwise it´s more likely that the political volatility will remain and further increase.

  • 7.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Abrahamsson, Agneta
    Immigrants caught in the crossfire of projectification of the Swedish public sector.: Short-term solutions to long-term problems2010In: Diversity in Health and Care, ISSN 1743-4904, Vol. 7, no 3, p. 201-209(9)Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 8.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Fritzén, Lena
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Education.
    Johnsson, Eva
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Health Sciences and Social Work.
    Jonnergård, Karin
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Management and Economics.
    Tidens tand - att analysera förändringsprocesser i professionella grupper2009Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 9.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Jonnergård, Karin
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Business, Economics and Design, Linnaeus School of Business and Economics.
    Att vara en professionell yrkesutövare och att vara ämbetsman - samtidigt2010In: Professioner i offentlig förvaltning / [ed] Torgny Klasson, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2010, p. 137-160Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 10.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences. Statsvetenskap.
    Jonnergård, Karin
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Management and Economics. Ekonomistyrning.
    Management by documents - a risk of de-professionalizing?2007In: In tension between Organization and Profession: Professionals in Nordic Public Service, Nordic Academic Presss, Lund , 2007, p. 33-56Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [en]

    If we have to document our professional action, will we then only perform the actions that we are supposed to document? This question reflects the content of this chapter. The chapter includes a frame of reference for studying control of professionals in organizations and illustration on different types of professional controls.

  • 11.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Olofsson, Gunnar
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Albert O. Hisrchmans liv och verk2008In: Sorti eller protest: En fråga om lojaliteter, Arkiv Förlag, Lund , 2008, p. 7-12Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 12.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Olofsson, Gunnar
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Förord till den nya svenska utgåvan av Sorti eller protest2008In: Sorti eller protest: En fråga om lojaliteter, Lund: Arkiv förlag & tidskrift, 2008, p. 13-33Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Förod till Albert O.Hirschmans bok "Sorti eller protest"

  • 13.
    Agevall, Ola
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Max Weber2010In: Encyclopedia of political theory / [ed] Mark Bevir, London: Sage Publications, 2010, p. 1413-1419Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 14.
    Ahling, Jesse
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kosovo - Självständighetens betydelse och möjligheter: En fallstudie i demokratiutveckling2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to examine the democratization process of Kosovo in the years after the countries independence was assured. Two central questions for the case study consist of whether a democratic improvement in the country has occurred and which factors, positive and negative, are present to further improve or impede the democratizationprocess. The study builds upon two central definitions, democratic states and democratization in order to gain theoretical background to be able to measure these two quite abstract expressions. A socioeconomic model is used to measure favorable or negative developments within Kosovos society and the findings of this model confirms the hypothesis of modernization theory, namely that increased socioeconomic development increases the chance of a positive democratizationprocess. There has been a positive democratic development aswell as socioecomic progress but since the nature of this study is merely descriptive and not explanatory, it doesnt make claims on the explanatory power of modernization theory. A transition model is used for gaining a general overview of where in the democratizationprocess Kosovo currently resides. The findings of this model suggests that Kosovo currently sits in the transitionsphase of the model with problems like corruption and ethnical conflicts between minorities aswell as gender inequality as the main forces holding back the quality aspect of the consolidationphase.

  • 15.
    Ahlqvist, Sara
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Alldeles för byråkratisk?: En studie av Djurskyddsmyndighetens organisation2011Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to describe the organization of the Swedish Animal WelfareAgency during the time it was in operation. The Swedish Animal Welfare Agency was established in 2005 by the government who saw it as necessary in order to strengthen the protection of cruelty to animals in Sweden. However, the agency was shut down already in2007 and its responsibilities as an agency was moved back to the government and the department of agriculture. During its time in operation, the Swedish Animal Welfare Agency, received much criticism, among other things because of its interpretations of the law which were seen as too focused on details and thus “bureaucratic”. In order to describe the organization of the agency the theoretical approach of this study is based on three of Bo Rothstein’s ideal administration models; the legal bureaucratic, thepolitical oriented and the user oriented model. The purpose is to see which one of these ideal administrations the Swedish Animal Welfare Agency was most like, through an organizational perspective. There will also be a comparison over time, from the establishing to the shutting down of the agency in order to see if the organization of the agency had changed over time. The method used for this paper is a qualitative text-based analysis where the central arguments concerning the organization of the agency will be highlighted and interpreted from the different criteria of the administration models. The study showed that the organization of the Swedish Animal Welfare Agency can be described as a legal bureaucratic administration. The comparison over time showed that the organization of the agency did not change, it could be described as legal bureaucratic when it was established as well as when it was shut down. This shows that the criticism of the agency of being too “bureaucratic” might be justified but the legitimacy of the agency’s organization was based on bureaucratic principles.

  • 16.
    Akouri, Elie
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Varför har Egypten inte demokratiserats?: En fallstudie om bakomliggande orsaker till den haltande demokratiseringsprocessen2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This paper is designed to analyse the situation regarding the attempt to implement democracy in Egypt and why it failed. Theories regarding democratic transition and consolidation is acting as scientific instruments to carry out this case study. This essay directs its focus on several key factors that has contributed to the prevention of democratic reforms. The theory concerning path dependence is used to compliment the remaining theories to distinguish vital historic aspects to this issue. Key factors such as the Muslim brotherhood, the Egyptian military and regime, as well as the liberal movement is examined in this paper to illuminate their respective contribution to this situation.

    The conclusion of this paper focuses on the military, unwilling to surrender its power, along with the religiously fundamental brotherhood, growing rapidly. A democratic transition was in the making, only to be shut down by the military, regaining its former power. Although chaotic and military-biased reforms continued, they were far from democratic.  Because of all the key factors not sharing any political ideals, the situation has come to an abrupt halt regarding a democratisation process. The democratic ideal has become worn among the protestors and another try at a democratic transition is far from reality. 

  • 17.
    Alm, Josef
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Youth political participation in an emerging democracy: A case study of political participation among Tanzanian youths in urban Mwanza2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis is based on a case study of Tanzanian youths’ political participation in urban Mwanza. The purpose of this study is to examine how urban youths understand their participation in various political activities in an emerging democracy like Tanzania. The research question guiding the study is how youths understand and value voting in elections in comparison to other forms of political participation. The study focuses on three different political activities; to vote, to contact a politician and to participate in a demonstration. The three political activities are combined with Verba et al.’s (1995) theory of the attributes of political activities into a theoretical analysis model. The thesis uses a qualitative methodology based on 19 semi-structured interviews with Tanzanian youths living in urban Mwanza. The results indicated that the youths in Mwanza understood voting as their prime opportunity to communicate their political voices to politicians. However, the youths expressed that political activities beyond voting facilitate them with opportunities to communicate more specific political messages to politicians multiple times. 

  • 18.
    Al-Maawaly, Nura
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Demoneycrazy: A case study of the United Arab Emirates2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 19.
    Alvarsson, John
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Dagens Nyheters bild av förslaget till konstitution för Europa: En studie av mediernas betydelse för vår bild av viktiga politiska händelser2006Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study deals with Swedish newspapers' portrayals of the Treaty which establishes a Constitution for Europe, which then influenced Swedish newspaper readers. This study connects the areas of both media and politics. What the media states can be expected to shape

    public opinion, especially when it comes to foreign policy issues. In order to fullfill the aim of the study, I have constructed two problems which I have answered to in accordance with my data, theoretical framework and research method. My data consists of articles from the largest Swedish morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter. The theoretical framework of this study is a combination of political science, media- and communication science and behaviour science. I have utilized two research methods in this study; a qualitative analysis of content, which transcends into different categories, and a method of quantification of the main actors in the

    articles. One of the results that I have discovered in this study is that the image of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe offered to the readers is a fairly positive one.

  • 20.
    Amhliden, Sofia
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Bergquist, Stina
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Whistle-Blowers in Viet Nam: Possibilities and obstacles from an institutional perspective2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 15 credits / 22,5 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study aims to investigate, from an institutional perspective, the implications of the

    new anti-corruption law in Viet Nam with a particular focus on its impact on civil society

    and individual rights to report on corruption. The overarching research question is: How do

    formal and informal institutions affect whistle-blowers possibilities to engage in combat of

    corruption in Viet Nam? To blow the whistle in Viet Nam can be problematic, with

    consequences such as loosing his/hers job and social exclusion. Whistle-blowers in Viet

    Nam today seem to have an insufficient confidence to official authorities. Moreover, a

    problem of significance is that whistle-blowers have to state their name and contact details

    when reporting on corrupt acts to competent agencies. Another problem is that civil society

    is strongly connected to the CPV (Communist Party of Viet Nam).

  • 21.
    Andersson, Joel
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ett land i förändring?: En jämförande fallstudie av Ukrainas demokrati innan och efter Euromajdan2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This essay aims to explore the difference in the political system between the Ukrainian regime in the period 2010-2014 and the regime that emerged out of the euromaidan protests in 2014. Through this the essay will determine if there has been any democratical progress between both of the timelines and if any of the periods achieved the status of democracy. Democracy is defined as polyarchy which gives a clear structure to study both periods and compare them to the criteria’s that this type of democracy offers. The areas that will be studied are: Free and Fair Elections, Universal Suffrage, Elected Representatives, the Right to Candidate in Elections, the Right to Organize, Freedom of Speech and Alternative Sources of Information. The essay is a Theory Consuming Case Study with both descriptive questions and a descriptive approach to answer the questions. The framework that is used to analyze the information is of a qualitative nature. This essay concludes that both periods have had large democratic problems. Although the problems for both periods differ, in the first problem there are several events with rigged elections, crime against journalists and restraints of freedom of speech. The second period saw several improvements in several areas but issues with universal suffrage emerged. This caused both periods to not being able to fulfill the criteria’s of polyarchy which, in this study, is the benchmark for a democracy. Instead, both periods achieved the criteria’s for a hybrid regime which in many ways are equivalent of a flawed democracy.

  • 22.
    Andersson, Jonas
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Rockstjärna, aktivist, opinionsbildare: Har U2-sångaren Bonos sociala, humanitära och politiska engagemang egentligen haft något inflytande över den internationella politiken?2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In this minor thesis I describe and analyze Irish rock star Bono’s social, humanitarian and political commitment using a qualitative method of analysis (literature studies) and a broad theoretical framework. The study discusses such concepts as “agenda setting”, “soft power” and “charismatic authority”, as well as the power resources of the celebrity and the power of the media.

    The aim of the study has been 1) to see if Bono’s commitment has influenced/influences politics and policies, 2) to describe and analyze Bono’s commitment with the focus on what issues he has supported and worked for, 3) to describe his approach, and 4) to see if one can trace any concrete or measurable results that can be linked to Bono personally.

    More specifically, the study sets out to answer the following research questions:

    When was the start of Bono’s commitment? How has it changed or evolved throughout the years? What issues and organisations has he supported and worked for, and in what way?

    What do the political elites, the economical and academic institutions, the media and the NGO’s say about Bono’s commitment? And last but not least: Is it possible to ”measure” the results of this commitment ?

    The findings show that Bono’s commitment has indeed mattered politically, even though it still, as often the case with qualitative research methods, remains uncertain as to exactly what degree - because of difficulties involved in the process of measuring. What can be concluded, though, is that Bono personally, thanks to his status in the music business and his charismatic authority, as a single actor and as part of a context, structure or network (e.g. Jubilee 2000, DATA), has inspired and empowered individual human beings as well as influenced politics and policies on the national and international level (strengthened NGO or citizen initiatives by providing the sought-after media exposure and persuaded/lobbied politicians to change their positions on for example debt relief).

  • 23.
    Andersson, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Costa Ricas konsolidering: När konsoliderades Costa Ricas demokrati utifrån ett maximalistiskt perspektiv2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis aims to examine when democratic consolidation took place in Costa Rica from a maximalistic perspective. The hypothesis is that it’s likely that the democracy was not consolidated as early as 1953 which would be the case if applying a minimalistic perspective. Linz and Stepan’s theory about democratic consolidation has been chosen as the theoretical framework of the thesis and the research has been conducted by using a qualitative text analysis. The thesis comes to the conclusion that Costa Rica’s democracy completed its consolidation 1978 when the previously banned communist party Partido Vanguardia Popular was allowed to compete for votes again in the 1978’s presidential and parliamentary elections. From that point no party was excluded from taking part in free and fair elections.

  • 24.
    Andersson, Martina
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Nei til EU: Är det rationellt för Norge att stå utanför EU?2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to illustrate why Norway is not a member of the EU from a rational choice perspective. In order to fulfil this purpose, two questions will constitute the framework of the study. These are:

    1. What are the arguments of the EU-opposers in the Norwegian EU-debate?

    2. Is it rational for Norway to stand outside the EU?

    The first question was answered by analyzing and mapping out the arguments of the Norweigan EU-opponents and then using a critical literature study to analyse them. To demarcate the study, only the arguments of the parliamentary parties that are opposing a Norwegian EU-membership, and the official organisation Nei til EU (No to the EU) were included. The second question was tested by using a rational choice theory and a number of keywords from the classical rational actor model; objectives, alternatives, consequences and choice. These keywords constituted the main analyzing instrument of the study and was applied on the empirical material.

    The main arguments of the opposers of a Norweigan EU-membership, are widely spoken democracy, freedom of action, environment and solidarity. The debate is hard to map out because of its general character but is very homogeneous. The second question is answered partly in the light of the first one and the result shows that it is rational for Norway to stay outside the EU today, but the question may have to be reassessed in the future, and probably will be since the debate is still so fervent.

  • 25.
    Andersson, Robin
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Nationers samarbete: En komparativ studie av Sveriges samarbete medEstland respektive Litauen1990Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This is a comparative case study on why nations cooperate based on twodifferent cooperation, between Sweden and Estonia and Sweden andLithuania. Based on the theory on why nations cooperate by Arthur Steinconsidering national level of analysis and individual level of explanation anda theory on norm-regarding and self-regarding actors by Fehr and Gintis Ihave been trying to see tendencies and factors socially, politically andeconomically in the two different cooperation and answer the differencesbetween them. The empirical material used for this study comes fromprevious scientific works and official documents from Estonian, Lithuanianand Swedish departments and governments. Cooperation among nations seemto depend on different circumstances based on norms, history, religion,culture and politics. In the countries studied we can see big differences, butalso great similarities which seem to have affected the cooperation betweenthe chosen nations.

  • 26.
    Andersson, Staffan
    Umeå universitet.
    Corruption in Sweden: Exploring Danger Zones and Change 2002Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 27. Andersson, Staffan
    Hederlighetens pris: en ESO-rapport om korruption (Ds 1999:62)1999Book (Refereed)
  • 28.
    Andersson, Staffan
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Litteraturgranskning/anmälan av avhandling: Conditions for Corruption: Institutions, Executive Power, and Privatization in Argentina and Chile in the 1990s, Uppsala: Uppsala universitet, av Viviana Stechina.2010In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 29. Andersson, Staffan
    Partifinansiering: en riskzon för korruption (i SOU 2004:22)2004Report (Other academic)
  • 30. Andersson, Staffan
    Personvalskampanjer i kommun- och landstingsvalen 2002 (i SOU 2004:22)2004Report (Other academic)
  • 31. Andersson, Staffan
    Political Corruption in Sweden2003In: Corruption in Contemporary Politics / [ed] Martin Bull & James Newell, Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan , 2003, p. 135-148Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 32.
    Andersson, Staffan
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Bergh, AndreasLund University.Erlingsson, GissurLinköping University.Sjölin, MatsLinnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Korruption, maktmissbruk och legitimitet2010Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 33.
    Andersson, Staffan
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Bergh, Andreas
    Erlingsson, Gissur Ó
    Avslutning: Vad kan vi lära oss?2010In: Korruption, maktmissbruk och legitimitet / [ed] Staffan Andersson, Andreas Bergh, Gissur Ó Erlingsson, Stockholm: Norstedts Förlag, 2010, p. 260-275Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 34.
    Andersson, Staffan
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Bergh, Andreas
    Lund University ; Research Institute of Industrial Economics.
    Erlingsson, Gissur Ó
    Linköping University.
    Korruption, maktmissbruk och legitimitet i mogna demokratier2010In: Korruption, maktmissbruk och legitimitet / [ed] Staffan Andersson, Andreas Bergh, Gissur Ó Erlingsson, Mats Sjölin, Stockholm: Norstedts Förlag, 2010, 1, p. 15-27Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 35.
    Andersson, Staffan
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Södertörns högskola.
    Controlling Corruption in the Public Sector2009In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 32, no 1, p. 45-70Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Much of the literature on political corruption is based on indices such as the ones presented by Transparency International, but the reliability and validity of these indices are questionable. The main alternative approach – qualitative case studies – often lacks a theoretical framework allowing for systematic empirical analysis. To remedy this shortcoming, this article places qualitative case studies in the framework of principal-agent theory. The cases comprise two Swedish county councils (regional governments), both of which reorganised their administrations in similar ways in the 1990s. One experienced corruption scandals, but the other did not. In comparing them, the article links the propensity for corruption to institutional design – in particular, the mechanisms of delegation and control.

  • 36.
    Andersson, Staffan
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Erlingsson, Gissur Ó
    Linköping University.
    Förvaltningsreformer och korruptionsrisker2010In: Korruption, maktmissbruk och legitimitet / [ed] Staffan Andersson, Andreas Bergh, Gissur Ó Erlingsson, Mats Sjölin, Stockholm: Norstedts Förlag, 2010, p. 192-234Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 37.
    Andersson, Staffan
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Heywood, Paul M
    University of Nottinham.
    The Politics of Perception: Use and Abuse of Transparency International’s Approach to Measuring Corruption2009In: Political Studies, ISSN 0032-3217, E-ISSN 1467-9248, Vol. 57, no 4, p. 746-767Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 38.
    Andersson, Staffan
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences. Statsvetenskap.
    Martínez Cousinou, Gloria
    Institute for Advanced Social Studies of Andalusia, Spanish Council for Scientific Research.
    Controlling political corruption in the United Kingdom2006Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Existing case studies of control of political corruption often lack a theoretical framework that can provide for systematic empirical research and comparisons between cases and countries. To remedy this, we apply principal-agent theory qualitatively to study the United Kingdom, with a particular emphasis given to an in-depth study of control measures employed to Parliament, the Executive and political parties. We give a detailed account of the approach undertaken to control political corruption in these risk areas for corruption, and discuss its implications and why some types of measures prevail over others.

  • 39.
    Andersson, Staffan
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Martínez-Cousinou, Gloria
    El control de la corrupción: Un marco analítico para su estudio2009In: Revista del CLAD Reforma y Democracia, ISSN 1315-2378, Vol. 43, p. 103-126Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Institutional Control of Corruption: an Analytical Framework for its Study

    Designing and implementing institutional mechanisms to control corruption are key strategies for improving the democratic quality of political systems. For this reason, not only does this issue occupy a priority position in the political agenda of a number of governmental and international organizations, but there is also a large body of specialized literature on this subject.

    In spite of a number of existing studies that focus on the importance of the role that institutions play in curbing corruption, the literature centered specifically on the empirical evaluation of such mechanisms in a particular country, or on the theoretical analysis of how they contribute to increased accountability of public officials, is less abundant. To address this lack, this article suggests an analytical framework based on the Principal-Agent theory, to propose systematic empirical research of institutional measures for controlling corruption. This analytical framework is based on two criteria for classification. The first one distinguishes between ex ante and ex post measures, depending on when the specific mechanisms are enacted: before or after the delegation of authority between the Principal and the Agent has taken place. The second criterion distinguishes between a priori and a posteriori measures, depending on whether the specific mechanism is implemented before or after the act of corruption itself has occurred. Different theoretical consequences derive from each approach in terms of the projected effectiveness of the ensuing controls in reducing agency problems.

    Thus, the proposed framework serves to shed light on two main issues: the identification of the prevailing approach to control corruption in a specific country, and the estimation of the theoretical effectiveness of that approach. However, the most important innovation prompted by the application of this analytical framework, is that it provides for several types of comparison: between different approaches for controlling corruption in various case studies, between various areas of heightened risk for corruption within a country -such as party financing, corruption of members of parliament, ministers, etc.- and between such specific risk areas in different countries. To allow these different types of comparison, the concept of a danger zone of corruption is proposed. This concept refers to the areas and functions of the system that are vulnerable to corruption: areas of vulnerability where occurrence of corruption is likely, and conditions that are likely to promote corruption. Using this concept, it is possible to delineate the vulnerable areas in a specific system, and thereafter, to apply the proposed analytical framework in order to better describe the current approaches taken to control corruption in a given country.

    The necessary specific steps to identify these danger zones, as well as to empirically apply the proposed analytical framework are detailed in this article, using several examples from the British system. Due to the highly developed institutional measures to circumvent corruption in place in the United Kingdom, this case effectively illustrates the utility of the proposed framework.

    In summary, the purpose of this article is to fulfill a deficit in the existing literature on the control of corruption, by providing a novel theoretical framework for the descriptive analysis of institutional mechanisms and their theoretical effectiveness in specific contexts and at the comparative level.

  • 40.
    Ardhamre, Johan
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kvinnlig representation: Beskrivningar från Miljöpartiet, Moderaterna, Kristdemokraterna och Socialdemokraterna2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In this qualitative text analysis paper the author examined how the Swedish Green party, the Moderate party, the Christian Democrats and the Swedish Social Democratic party described female representation during the years 2001-2013 at their party congresses. With party strategic categories constructed by Lena Wägnerud and one self-constructed category with the help of works by Ann Phillips a total of 5 categories was used to separate the different statements regarding female representation. The categories were attack, win voters, comparisons, bragging and other. The results of the study show that the focus of female representation has shifted from a focus on female political representation to female representation in the business world, mostly representation in the board rooms. The results also show that all parties express themselves about female representation but in different ways. The Swedish Social Democratic party is the only party that focuses mainly on female representation as a question of justice and democracy, statements that fall under the category other. The other parties in this paper all had their focus on strategic statements that fall under Lena Wägneruds categories.  

  • 41.
    Ardolic, Mimoza
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Kosovo & Montenegro: Why Different Outcomes?2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences

    Course: PO 5363, Political Science

    Title: Kosovo & Montenegro – Why Different Outcomes?

    Author: Mimoza Ardolic

    Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt

    Date: 2008-01-15

    The purpose of this study has been to assess why the pursuit for independence turned out to be a matter of such difficulty in the case of Kosovo and not in Montenegro, seeing as they are two apparent similar cases.

    The research questions are:

     How can it be that two analogous situations where two regions (Kosovo and Montenegro), quite similar in several aspects, want independence from the same country (Serbia) result in so different outcomes?

     Why has Kosovo’s attempt to achieve self-government been such a difficulty?

     Why did Montenegro manage to achieve autonomy without (great) difficulties?

    The findings are that despite the similarity between these two cases, they have ample differing characteristics as well. The factors detected are that whilst the Kosovo conflict is characterized by: a troublesome history, no common ground, an existing deep hatred, Russian opposition and the nationalist Milošević; the Montenegrin case is set apart by: an intertwining, rather peaceful history, friendly relations, Russian cordiality and the nationalist Djukanović.

    The interpretation of these elements according to the nationalist theory is as follows: Milošević and Djukanović (and their ideology: nationalism) are the real causes. The other elements are mere means to their ambition for nation building. The difference between these two men and the elements (their means) explains the different outcomes in the two cases.

  • 42.
    Aronsson, Fredrik
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    `Hard eller soft power´ - när det gäller att främja demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter?2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The thesis investigates how two of the world’s most powerful international actors, the US and the EU want to promote democracy and human rights. The aim is to compare how the US and the EU work in order to support a democratic development in the world. In order to fulfill the purpose of the thesis a qualitative text analysis was used. Since the aim is to compare the US and the EU I believe this method is beneficial. The questions that are being investigated are about the contributions the US and the EU give to e.g. Saudi Arabia and Russia and if the contributions are mainly characterized by `hard or soft power´. The result showed that in general no conclusion can be drawn when it comes to the characteristics of the contributions. However, in the examples taken from the EU- Russian and the US- Saudi Arabian relationships the contributions are characterized by `soft power´. The other relationships the thesis discusses are instead characterized by `hard power´.

  • 43.
    Aronsson, Karin
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    "Vem bryr sig om hur våra mest utsatta barn och ungdomar behandlas, när det är samhället som tar hand om dem?": En studie om länsstryrelsen som tillsynsmyndighet för enskilda HVB-hem2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to investigate how länsstyrelsen as a supervisory authority to private compulsory care-institutions works, to guarantee adequate institutional care of unprivileged children and youth with special problems.

    In order to reach this aim the following questions are to be answered:

    • Describe länsstyrelsen´s supervision of private compulsory care-institutions (HVB-hem)

    • How does the officials at the three chosen county administrative boards find about the responsibility

    To answer the questions of this bachelor thesis I have chosen to apply qualitative methods, by interviewing five supervisory authorities from länsstyrelsen, in three different county administrative boards in Sweden.

    The findings of the study show that officials sometimes find it hard to know the exact meaning and differences between accountability and to be accountable. It also shows that they tend to think that the relationship between länsstyrelsen and the private compulsory care institutions is complicated. Because the officials have two part relationships, they have on the one hand a consultative role and on the other hand the supervising role.

    Keywords: Länsstyrelsen, Hem för vård eller boende (HVB-hem), Ansvar, Ansvarsutkrävande, Socialtjänstlagen

  • 44.
    Aronsson, Peter
    Linköpings universitet.
    Historiebrukens ekologi2010In: Astrid Lindgrens världar i Vimmerby: en studie om kulturarv och samhällsutveckling / [ed] Leif Jonsson, Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2010, 1, p. 105-120Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Vad kan hända i ett samhälle där det finns en blomstrande upplevelseindustri kopplad till ett kulturarv? Det är den fråga som författarna till Astrid Lindgrens världar i Vimmerby belyser ur en rad perspektiv. Vimmerby är fokus för deras fallstudie och de skildrar utvecklingen av lokalsamhället och den framväxande besöksnäringen kring Astrid Lindgren och hennes författarskap.Handlingskraften i Vimmerby har mestadels kommit från entreprenörer som ofta inte haft enbart snävt ekonomiska motiv utan också samhällsnyttiga ambitioner. Samtidigt är den ett uttryck för ett samhällsengagemang som har djupa rötter i staden.Kulturarvet i Vimmerby är en unik tillgång för bygden och ger kreativa möten mellan kommersiella och samhällsnyttiga intressen. I Astrid Lindgrens världar i Vimmerby diskuterar en flervetenskaplig forskargrupp bland annat kommunens agerande, lokaltidningens roll och inte minst innevånarnas erfarenheter. Gruppen hämtar lärdomar ur sina givande inblickar i Vimmerbys utveckling genom åren.

  • 45.
    Arvidson Persson, Johannes
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Europaparlamentarikers agerande: En återspegling av partiernas kampanjretorik?2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study aims at describing if discrepancies can be found between the rhetoric in Swedish political parties’ electoral campaigns to the European Parliament elections in 2004 and their representatives’ actual behavior in the European Parliament and to develop plausible explanations to these possible discrepancies. The research method that is being used is content analysis, aiming to answer four research questions regarding the electoral campaigns to the European Parliament elections in 2004 and the behavior by the parties’ representatives during the following term of office. The main findings are that some discrepancies can be found regarding which questions are raised most frequently in the electoral campaigns and in the European Parliament, but that no discrepancies can be found regarding the positions taken in questions in the electoral campaigns and in the European Parliament. The plausible explanations that are presented are that the parties raise certain questions in the campaigns with the purpose of maximizing the number of votes and then raise other questions in the European Parliament, that size of the party group matters and that the individuals representing the parties might effect the coherence between rhetoric and actual behavior.

  • 46.
    Arvidsson, Stefan
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Department of Cultural Sciences.
    Beneš, Jakub
    Kirsch, Anja
    Introduction: Socialist Imaginations2018In: Socialist Imaginations: Utopias, Myths, and the Masses , Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2018Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 47.
    Avdic, Nerdina
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Moderaternas, Sverigedemokraternas och Socialdemokraternas integrationspolitik: -med fokus på arbetsmarknadsintegration, bostadssegregation och språkkunskap2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

     

    The purpose of this essay is to compare the integration policy between Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Sverigedemokraterna with focus on labor-market integration, housing segregation and language knowledge. The international immigration has in recent years increased significantly and this has also enriched the receiving countries and still the numbers of extreme right parties have increased. In Sweden a racist populist party, Sverigedemokraterna, are only a few steps away from entering the parliament.

     

    The question in focus is: What differences or similarities are there between the integration politics between Moderaterna, Socialdemokraterna and Sverigedemokraterna with focus on the areas housing, work and language?

     

    By applying the theoretical framework to the data, I have been able to present answers and build up an analysis. The study concludes that there are more similarities than differences in the integration policy between Moderaterna and Socialdemokraterna. Sverigedemokraterna on the other hand have very radical integration politics in comparison to the two other parties.

  • 48.
    Avdovic, Adisa
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Ett demokratiexperiment med stora potential?: En studie om brukarinflytandets kapaciteter och begränsningar2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In this study the local participation in user-boars is examined. Several theoretical assumptions are made about the effects that local participation in user-boars will have. The participatory democracy assumes that the effects will be positive. However, elitist assumptions about this kind of participation are negative, and thought to create problems for democracy. The purpose of this study is to examine which of these participatory and/or elitist assumptions are realized when user-boars are implemented.

    The outcome of this study indicates that participation in user-boards gives rise to quite complex effects. Some of the positive democratic effects arise as is assumed by the participatory democracy. However, not all of the assumptions that participatory democracy makes about participation are verified. At the same time, participation in user-boars also gives rise to some of the negative effects as elitists assume. But as is the case with participatory democracy not all of elitist assumptions are verified. The study concludes that participation in user-boards does not give arise to neither only positive nor only negative effects. The picture is more complex that either of the theories project.

  • 49.
    Axelsson, Karin
    et al.
    Linköping University.
    Tillmar, Malin
    Linköping University.
    Wihlborg, Elin
    Linköping University.
    Kundval – dilemman i gränssnittet mellan privata och offentliga organisationer2010In: Samtal pågår…: från forskare till politiker och tjänstemän i kommuner / [ed] Tora Friberg, Sabrina Thelander, Linköping: Linköpings universitet , 2010, p. 9-19Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 50.
    Axelsson, Linda
    University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences.
    Dublinförordningen: en fallstudie av Migrationsverkets implementering av Dublinförordningen i sitt dagliga arbete2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The Swedish immigration policy is a subject constantly under scrutiny, especially in the media. The Dublin treaty, which came into effect in 2003, has meant stricter regulations for the handling of asylum seekers, which in turn increases the requirements of the officials at the Swedish Migration Board. Consequently, the staff at the Swedish Migration Board is daily facing difficulties when deciding who is to stay or not. Therefore, it is interesting to investigate how these criteria in the Dublin Treaty, are used in the daily work of the officials. Emphasizing these problematic aspects of the Dublin Treaty, this study aims to answer the following two questions:

    - How has the Dublin Treaty been implemented in Swedish legislation by the officials at the Swedish Migration Board?

    - How do these officials work to implement this treaty?

    This case study is based on interviews with a number of officials working at the Swedish Migration Board. To complement the interviews, a brief summary of the Dublin Treaty, is also included, in order to explain its contents. To analyze the material, a number of important aspects of the Dublin Treaty have been chosen. These aspects also constitute the analytical method.

    Conclusively, the officials working at the Swedish Migration Board have succeeded in the intention of implementing the Dublin Treaty. The treaty is well incorporated in the Swedish legislation, which is crucial in order for the immigration policy to function properly.

     

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