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  • 1.
    Andersson-Hanna, Emelie
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Politisk sekterism i Libanon: En fallstudie av Taif-avtalet och den konsociationella demokratins hållbarhet2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Aiming to contribute to the discourse on the sustainability of consociational democracy in plural societies, this case study provides an examination of Lebanon’s power sharing model. The study begins with an evaluation of the Taif Agreement. After acknowledging its effect on Lebanon’s consociational system the function and operation of Lijphart’s four consociational elements are analyzed. From these evaluations one can argue that power-sharing principles have helped Lebanon to maintain a relative calm after its civil war, but also that they have failed in generating national cohesion and a strong state. A re-emerging proposition in this study is hence that consociationalism has been both a solution and an impediment to the development of Lebanon.

  • 2.
    Backlund, Sandra
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Ecuadorian indigenous youth and identities: cultural homogenization or indigenous vindication?2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    There exists a scholarly debate on the cultural impact of globalization and how and to what extent it is affecting indigenous people in particular. Three theoretical standpoints can be discerned from the debate; the homogenization-perspective which holds that globalization is making world cultures more similar, the hybridization-perspective which emphasizes that it is fragmenting cultural boundaries and the differentiation-perspective which implies that globalization is augmenting differences and making humanity as a whole more diverse. As regards the cultural impact of globalization on indigenous peoples, many question marks can be raised. The objective of this research is to contribute to the debate by bringing to light the perspective of the indigenous movement in Ecuador, CONAIE. An analysis is made on how they perceive globalization affecting the maintenance of indigenous identities and culture among today’s youth. That information is then used as a foundation to analyze CONAIE’s level of success regarding their main objective; to preserve Ecuador’s indigenous nationalities and peoples. The study, which has a qualitative ethnographic approach and is based on semi-structured interviews, was carried out during an eight weeks long field study in Quito and in San Pedro de Escaleras, Cuenca, Ecuador. The research has an abductive approach and the theoretical debate on globalization’s cultural impact on indigenous peoples sets the analytical frame of the study. The three theoretical standpoints; globalization as homogenization, globalization as differentiation and globalization as hybridization play central roles in the analysis of the empirical material.

    The findings show that there are many elements that obstruct the maintenance of indigenous culture and identity among youth in contemporary Ecuador. There is a connection between youth being exposed to cultural globalization and that they lose cultural characteristics for the indigenous identity. Hybridization of identities due to globalization is presented as a possible factor to play a role in this. Indigenous youth tend to drop characteristics for the indigenous identity as they adopt features from the mestizo culture, in case they see no benefit in maintaining the former. This indicates that what ultimately might be at stake is cultural homogenization. Light is also shed on that CONAIE lacks strategies and possibilities to reinforce the indigenous identity among the youth that is in a process of identity change. The findings thus point at that despite efforts for cultural revival by the indigenous movement in Ecuador, the maintenance of rigid frontiers between the ethnically diverse nationalities in the country is threatened. Seen to a larger picture, this implies that globalization’s impact on indigenous culture among youth is very difficult to counteract. It appears as if the move towards more cultural similarity in Ecuador cannot be hindered.

  • 3. Dahnsdotter, Nathalie
    et al.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Det civila samhället och internationellt utvecklingssamarbete: Forskningsöversikt. Samhällsplanering och miljö.2014Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Rapporten gör en översikt av svensk forskning kring civilsamhälle organisationer och deras roll i det internationella utvecklingssamarbetet.

  • 4.
    Eliassi, Barzoo
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Work. Oxford University, UK ; Lund University, Sweden ; Linköping University, Sweden.
    Narratives of statelessness and political belonging among Kurdish diasporas in Sweden and the UK2015Report (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper investigates the phenomenon of statelessness and political belonging in a world of unequal nation-states and citizenship regimes. In so doing it will examine the theoretical construction and conceptions of the stateless in contemporary social and political thought and assess their implications for the conceptions of shared identity and citizenship rights in the legal-political framework of the nation-state and international legal processes and practices. In the academic field statelessness has been largely viewed in relation to the ‘lack’ of citizenship and the acquisition of citizenship has therefore been presented as a solution to statelessness. Although citizenship rights and membership of an internationally recognized state are central to the human rights of political subjects in the contemporary world, the conditions and experiences of statelessness do not fade away through acquisition of formal citizenship as the persistent political, legal and military struggles of the stateless groups around the world show. It is therefore important to investigate how notions of political belonging underpinning political projects and collective action of the stateless peoples are constructed and how they inform and shape the evolution of national consciousness among them. Political belonging creates collective goals to sustain or transform political order. This study combines theoretical investigation of statelessness and citizenship with empirical field research on the subjective experiences of the phenomena among the Kurds. Through deploying a narrative inquiry and in-depth interviews, this project will use the narratives of Kurdish migrants in Sweden and the UK to analyze how national consciousness emerges in the absence of a nation-state but also the role of the nation-state in shaping discourses about statelessness and political belonging outside of the ‘original’ homelands.

  • 5.
    Eliassi, Barzoo
    Mid Sweden University, Sweden.
    När blir man svensk?2008In: Migration and Youth, Stockholm: International Olof Palme Centre , 2008Conference paper (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 6.
    Enroth, Henrik
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Community?2015In: Global Community?: Transnational and Transdisciplinary Exchanges / [ed] Henrik Enroth & Douglas Brommesson, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2015, p. 165-180Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 7.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Are democracy, good governance and development improving at the national and local level in Tanzania? 25th of October 2015: Progress report to COSTECH for the project with research clearance No: 2014-66-NA-2014-212015Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper present fresh field work data from three case studies carried out in different fieldworks in the period January 2014 to February 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 1996/2000-2013 (5) has brought about more democratic and decentralised decision making processes. The main findings point to that even if the local government has well elaborated structures for governance and democratic participation from the sub-village/street to the district level, the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. We examine to what extent various actors at various levels can - and do -exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. Our findings indicate that the local government reforms have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The Local Government Reform has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and Incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally, at the different levels of local government. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains a challenge as the local government reforms have inadequately strengthened the governance system at the local levels. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures. The Village and in particular the Sub-village structures have, however, a huge and underestimated potential, both as entry point in the political system, and as effective mechanisms for democratic governance. The overall conclusion is that the decentralisation process has been reversed to a re-centralisation process.

  • 8.
    Ewald, Jonas
    University of Gothenburg.
    Challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania: Moving towards consolidation 50 years after independence?2011Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Tanzania has been independent in 2011 for 50 years. While most neighbouring states have gone through violent conflicts, Tanzania has managed to implement extensive reforms without armed political conflicts. Hence, Tanzania is an interesting case for Peace and Development research. This thesis analyses the political development in Tanzania since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1992, with a focus on the challenges for the democratisation process in connection with the 2000 and 2005 elections. The question of to what extent Tanzania has moved towards a consolidation of democracy, is analysed through an analysis of nine different institutions of importance for democratisation, grouped in four spheres, the state, the political, civil and economic society. Focus is on the development of the political society, and the role of the opposition in particular. The analysis is based on secondary and primary material collected in the period September 2000 to April 2010. The main conclusion is that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed, in practice single-party rule has continued, manifested in the 2005 election when the CCM won 92% of the seats in the parliament. Despite an impressive economic growth, poverty remains deep and has not been substantially reduced. On a theoretical level this brings the old debate between liberal and substantive democracy back to the fore. Neither the economic nor the political reforms have apparently brought about a transformation of the political and economic system resulting in the poor majority gaining substantially more political influence and improved economic conditions. Hence, it is argued that the interface between the economic, political and administrative reforms has not been sufficiently considered in the liberal democratic tradition. Liberal democracy is necessary for a democratic development, but not sufficient for democracy to be consolidated. For that a substantive democratic development is necessary.

  • 9.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania. Moving towards consolidation years after independence?2013Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Tanzania has been independent in 2011 for 50 years. While most neighbouring states have gone through violent conflicts, Tanzania has managed to implement extensive reforms without armed political conflicts, Hence, Tanzania is an interesting case for Peace and Development research. This dissertation analyses the political development in Tanzania since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1992, with a focus on the challenges for the democratisation process in connection with the 2000 and 2005 elections. The question of to what extent Tanzania had moved towards a consolidation of democracy, is analysed by looking at nine different institutions of importance for democratisation grouped in four spheres: the state, the political, civil and economic society. Focus is on the development of the political society, and the role of the opposition in particular. The analysis is based on secondary and primary material collected between September 2000 to April 2010. The main conclusion is that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed, in practice single-party rule has continued, manifested in the 2005 election when the CCM won 92% of seats. Despite impressive economic growth, poverty remains deep and has not been substantially reduced. On a theoretical level this brings the old debate between liberal and substantive democracy back to the fore. Neither the economic nor the political reforms have brought about a transformation of the political and economic system resulting in the poor majority gaining substantially more political influence and improved economic conditions. Hence, it is argued that the interface between the economic, political and administrative reforms has not been sufficiently considered in the liberal democratic tradition. Liberal democracy is necessary for a democratic development, but not sufficient for democracy to be consolidated. For that a substantive democratic development is necessary.

    About the author:Jonas Ewald is lecturer and researcher in Peace and Development Studies. His main research areas are democratisation and its linkages to development, conflicts, and post-conflict management, with a focus on East Africa/Great Lakes Region—and Tanzania and Rwanda in particular.

  • 10.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Challenges to the democratisation process in Tanzania2010In: Tanzania in transition from Nyerere to Mkapa / [ed] Havnevik, Kjell and Isinika, Aida C., Dar es Salaam ; Uppsala: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, 2010, p. 223-264Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 11.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Demokratiseringens utmaningar i Tanzania2012In: Habari : medlemsblad för Svensk tanzaniska föreningen, ISSN 0345-4371, Vol. 44, no 3, p. 8-9Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 12.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Nine challenges for the transition to democracy in Tanzania2011In: ECAS 4, the 4th European Conference on African Studies: 15–18 June 2011, Uppsala, Sweden : African Engagements: On Whose Terms?, Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2011Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Nine challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania is analysed, based on extensive field work in connection with the elections in 1995, 1999/2000, 2004/2005 and in 2008.

  • 13.
    Ewald, Jonas
    University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Post election violence and conflict management in Kenya in connection with the 2007 election2008In: International Conference on The Great Lakes Region. Progress, Challenges and Opportunities, Butare, Rwanda: Centre for Conflict Managment, National University of Rwanda , 2008Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Driving force behind post-election violence in the Kenyan elections in 2007/2008 is analysed.

  • 14.
    Ewald, Jonas
    University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Rwanda2008In: Africa Yearbook 4: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara 2007 / [ed] Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber, Klaas van Walraven, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2008, p. 347-359Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Regional conflict dynamics and political development in Rwanda 2007 is analysed. Reforms, institution building, effort to balance between reconciliation and justice is analysed. Human rights and the debate on the political space in Rwanda are assessed. Rwanda's relation to the region and the international society is discussed.

  • 15.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Göteborg University, Sweden.
    Rwanda. A model for successful post-conflict transformation – or a freezing of underlying conflicts?2005In: Nordic Africa Days. The panel Post-Conflict Transition, The State and Civil Society in Africa, Uppsala, 2005Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The paper analyse Rwanda's development after the genocide and the regional dynamics. The balance between reconciliation and justice is discussed, and the Rwandan model for post-conflict management. The regional conflict complex is analysed and how Rwanda is linked, directly and indirectly.

  • 16.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Göteborg University, Sweden.
    Rwanda: Political, Economic and International development 20042005In: Africa Yearbook Volume 1: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara 2004 / [ed] Klaas van Walraven, Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2005, p. 313-325Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The chapter analyses Rwanda´s political, and socio-economic developments in 2004. The post-genocide tensions, efforts to build institutions for reconciliation and justice and the regional conflict dynamics are assesed and put in context. 

  • 17.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Göteborg University, Sweden.
    Rwanda: Political, Economic and International development 20052006In: Africa Yearbook Volume 2: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara in 2005 / [ed] Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber, Klaas van Walraven, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2006, p. 310-322Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Rwanda's political and economic development 2005 is analysed. The reconciliation process and the proceedings of the gaca gaca courts as well as the trial processes in the International tribunal for Rwanda is summarised. The regional and international relations is discussed, and the conflict dynamic assessed. Challenges are identified.

  • 18.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Göteborg University, Sweden.
    Rwanda: Political, Economic and International development 20062007In: Africa Yearbook Volume 3: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara / [ed] Andreas Mehler; Henning Melber; Klaas van Walraven, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2007, p. 337-348Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 19.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Turbulensen kring den konstitutionella processen2014In: Habari : medlemsblad för Svensk tanzaniska föreningen, ISSN 0345-4371, Vol. 46, no 1, p. 3p. 19-20Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Artikeln ger en forskningsbaserad översikt av debatten och processen kring den nya konstitutionen i Tanzania. Oppositionen i Tanzania har sedan flerpartisystemet infördes krävt att den gamla enpartikonstitutionen med alla dess begränsningar i organisations, yttrande och informationsfrihet skrivs om. Den mest känsliga frågan gäller dock Zanzibars ställning och huruvida unionen skall styras av en, två eller tre regeringar.

  • 20.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Är demokrati och utveckling ömsesidigt förstärkande? 
Ett exempel från Tanzania2013Conference paper (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Under 1990- och 2000-talets utvecklingsforskningsdebatt etablerades föreställningen att fattigdom kunde brytas med hjälp av liberala ekonomiska reformer, liberala politiska reformer och new-public management inspirerade förvaltningsreformer samt att de tre ”reformpaketen” var ömsesidigt förstärkande, oavsett i vilken kontext de tillämpades.

    Men är det verkligen så? Det är en fråga som jag intresserat mig för i min forskning om demokratiseringsprocessen i Tanzania, i olika omgångar med fältstudier sedan flerpartisystemet infördes 1992, senast nu i september 2013. Jag vill här peka på några sidoeffekter av de olika reformpaketen som tvärtemot den förgivet tagna positiva samverkan mellan liberalisering av ekonomin och införande av flerpartisystem och ”gott styrelseskicksreformer” riskerar att underminera viktiga mål inom andra politikområden, om de inte beaktas.

  • 21.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Ökenhett valklimat – bakgrunden till årets dramatiska val2015In: Habari, ISSN 0345-4371, Vol. 47, no 4, p. 7-9Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Årets val är det mest dramatiska valet, sedan självständigheten. Aldrig tidigare har så många varit så engagerade och maktkampen så hård och jämn mellan olika partikonstellationer. När detta skrivs dagen före valet är det fortfarande helt oförutsägbart hur valresultatet blir – för första gången i Tanzanias historia. Även om CCM med största sannolikhet vinner, så är det sannolikt med en mindre marginal än förra gången, och med en mycket större mobilisering.

    När vi tänker på årets mycket heta val och bedömer hur väl flerpartisystemets institutioner fungerar, så tror jag att det är bra att ta ett historiskt perspektiv. Årets val är Tanzanias sjätte flerpartival, sedan flerpartisystemet (åter)infördes för 23 år sedan. Av de 54 år Tanzania varit självständigt styrdes landet som enpartisystem i 28 år, fram till det formella beslutet att införa flerpartisystem 1992. Det tar tid att montera ned maktstrukturer och bygga upp nya institutioner – och framför allt att förändra människors attityder från enpartisystemets tänkesätt och dominans, till en mer demokratisk kultur.

  • 22.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Johansson, Kajsa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Nilsson, Anders
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Åkesson, Gunilla
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Biståndspolitiska plattformen är starkt ideologiserad2014Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 23.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Mellander, Lotta
    University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Shao, Ibrahim F.
    University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    A Matter of Choice? Cost sharing in health and education from a rights of the child perspective in Pangani, Rombo and Geita Disticts in Tanzania: Final report to Sida/Sarec2007Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This report analyse findings from extensive field research on local level in Pangani, Rombo and Geita districts in the period 2000-2004, on the effects of the introduction of user fees in health and eduction for various types of childrens rights to health and education. The report conclude that a number of reforms have been decided upon and implemented. Still however, the rights of the child to health and education as spelled out in the by Tanzania signed convention on Children’s rights has not been fully respected. Particular children to poorer families, and to a certain girl child’s, rights are violated. Especially vulnerable are orphaned or abandon children, even if they are taken care of by grandmothers. Access to health and education for all children is important for ensuring not only improved life chances for individual children, and households, but also for long term development of the whole country. To increase the fees to health and education does not seem to be a viable road to achieve that, if not poor peoples incomes increase first.

    Concerning choice health was considered as an emergency cost and always had priority, gender or type of child did not matter. Education was considered to be an investment, and in times of scarce resources, the child considered to have the best opportunities to pass school was given priority, and gender played a lesser role then the team had assumed from the beginning. In no few cases girls were given priority to boys, as girls was considered to be more trustworthy to return the investment in the future. Children belonging to the core family was to a larger exten given priority then other children in the family. 

  • 24.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    IDS, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Are democracy, good governance and development improving at the national and local level in Tanzania?2014In: Nordic Africa Days, Uppsala, 2014, Uppsala, 2014Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 25.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Mhamba, Robert
    Democratic Development in Tanzania. An analysis of the period 2010-2015.2015Report (Other academic)
  • 26.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Leveraging Tanzania´s extractive sector for inclusive development: The case of gold mining in Geita - Tanzania2015In: The Extractive Industries for African Development. A paradigm shift: Pennstate University, USA, March 27 2015 / [ed] Kidane Mengistab, Pennsylvania, USA: African Studies Program, Pennsylvania State University , 2015Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 27.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    IDS, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Tanzania Local government reform - towards de-centralisation or recentralisation? (Abstract accepted for presentation in the panel Local State-making in Africa.2015In: AEGIS V (Africa-Europe Group for Interdisciplinary Studies) Bi-annual Conference, Paris, July 7-8 2015, Paris, France, 2015Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Tanzania Local government reform - towards de-centralissation or recentralisation? This paper present fresh field work data from case studies carried out from January 2014 to Mars 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 2000-2013 has brought about more democratic decision making processes – and state building on local level. The LGRP is a typical “Blueprint administrative reform funded and guided by international donors’ agencies”. The main findings is that the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. We examine to what extent various actors, including national and local CSO, at various levels can exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. We also look at the role of large international mining companies and local governments. Our findings indicate that the LGR have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The LGR has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains, in particular in mineral rich areas. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures.

  • 28.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam.
    Will the up-coming elections rift democratic development in Tanzania?
- Discussion on some risks and possibilities: A presentation at the Swedish Embassy, Dar es Salaam 2014-01-232014Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 29.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Nilsson, Anders
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Närman, Anders
    Handelshögskolan Göteborg.
    Stålgren, Patrik
    Institutionen för statsvetenskap, Göteborg.
    A Strategic Conflict Analysis for the Great Lakes Region2004Report (Other academic)
  • 30.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Centre for Africa Studies, School of Global Studies, Göteborg University.
    Nilsson, Anders
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Närman, Anders
    Kulturgeografiska institutionen, Göteborgs Universitet.
    Stålgren, Patrik
    Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Göteborgs Universitet.
    Lake Victoria Region - a strategic conflict analysis2004Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Different types of actual and potential conflicts around Lake Victoria and East Africa are analysed. Policy recommendation for potential interventions.

  • 31.
    Gelot, Ludwig
    University of Gothenburg.
    On the Theological Origins of International Politics2013Book (Other academic)
  • 32.
    Gelot, Ludwig
    University of Gothenburg.
    Religion and International Politics: Beyond Westphalia and the Clash of Civilizations2009Book (Other academic)
  • 33.
    Gnatenko, Viktoriia
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Integration of Unaccompanied Asylum Seeking and Refugee Minors in Sweden2016Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study is focused on getting a deeper understanding of the access unaccompanied refugee youth have to integration. Thesis will examine what fosters and what hinders minors’ integration. Research is based on a qualitative field study carried out in Southern and Western Sweden. 36 semi–structured interviews were conducted with current and grown-up alone coming refugee minors; houses managers and social workers; local authorities’ representatives and decision makers; Migration Board employees.The (Dis)Empowerment model by Friedmann will be applied to analyse collected information. Thus, this thesis examines youth perspectives on their economic, social, cultural and political integration by connecting their experiences of life in Sweden to eight bases of social power, which (dis)empower them.The study shows that youth are willing to integrate into society, and to some extent they have access to integration. However, the research argues that minors’ access to bases of social power and youth’s usage of them is unbalanced and inconsistent. Interviewed youth have sufficient access to defensible life space, instruments of work and livelihood, and surplus time. Thus, they have capabilities to perform their life functions. On the other hand, youth have limited access and capabilities to the bases of social organizations and networks, financial resources, knowledge and skills, as well as unbalanced access to information and public policy action. This hinders youth economic, social, cultural and political integration. Moreover, these major obstacles are being reinforced by discrimination within the host society.

  • 34.
    Gustafsson, Jan
    et al.
    Copenhagen Business Sch.
    Nilsson, Manuela
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Conclusions: Latin America and Globalization-Challenges, Responses, and Perspectives in the Twenty-First Century2012In: Latin American responses to globalization in the 21st centur / [ed] Manuela Nilsson and Jan Gustafsson, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, p. 253-262Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 35.
    Hassler, Malin
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Neotraditionalism-Examining the Role of Traditional Revival in Vanuatu2012Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Contrary to the predictions made by classical modernization theory that ethnic traditions and religion would die out, they have proved to be surprisingly resilient throughout the world. In contemporary times various revitalization movements have been on the rise and from Africa to Asia scholars have been debating what seems to be a growing attention to tradition and culture. This thesis, based on empirical material from a minor field study in Vanuatu, will elaborate upon revivalist tendencies in a small island country. The purpose of the thesis is to examine expressions of revival of tradition, their causes and their possible implications for the country and its inhabitants. Modernization theory and the contesting paradigm of Alternative development create the foundation of the work while Globalization and the notion of Neotraditionalism are used as further theoretical points of reference. The thesis main findings are that tradition is used as a political strategy in Vanuatu and that a present neotraditional ideology offers both opportunities and pitfalls to the future development of the country. Based on the understanding gained from the field study, the message of this thesis lies in the importance of keeping an open mind when discussing development. 

  • 36.
    Hunt, Rebecca
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Climate Change & Security: A study of how the political rhetoric affects the conceptualisation of climate change 2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Climate change is often described as a threat by IGOs and at international climate conferences. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change frequently presents climate change as a threat to the planet and emphasises its urgency. This responds to the rhetoric and grammar of security which constitutes the main part of the securitisation theory as presented by the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. This theory suggests that the grammar and rhetoric of security has contributed to a securitisation of climate change on the global level by presenting it as e.g. an acute threat. On national level however, such arguments are rarely used and as a result, climate change has not received the same priority as it has on the global level. Hence, this research sets out to investigate to what extent the grammar and rhetoric of security is used on the national level by analysing climate documents in two different countries: a developed (USA) and a developing country (India). A content analysis facilitated in coding the research documents into categories based on how climate change is presented and described. The content analysis found that on national level, the degree to which climate change is described with the rhetoric and grammar of security is used to a lesser extent than on the global level.

  • 37.
    Johansson, Emmelie
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Att tala om Leviathan: Yttrandefrihet i konflikt med statens behov av skydd – En fallstudie av åtalet mot Bradley E. Manning2012Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This paper is a case study on Bradley E. Manning, famous for leaking classified intelligence to media, or in the charge sheet’s words: “knowingly give intelligence to the enemy, through indirect means.” My opinion is that this sort of dilemma is a question of values, how you view the world and, most important of all, human rights and the philosophy of rights. Therefore I decided to sort out the arguments regarding the issue of freedom of speech versus the state’s need for protection. To do this I performed a pro et contra analysis from John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty and Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan, this building my theory on which I lean my other work upon. Furthermore, I performed a case study on Manning where I compared the charges and the defense with the arguments of Mill and Hobbes.

    Ergo: I applied my theory on an existing conflict between freedom of speech and the state’s need for protection to see which arguments that are used in the charge against Manning and if one could derive this from the argumentation analysis consistent of Mill and Hobbes.

     

    Words: 11474

  • 38.
    Juhlin Lagrelius, Hannes
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hur bemöts Kina i Afrika?: En mångdimensionell idealtypsanalys av Sydafrikas, Zambias och Zimbabwes bemötande av Kinas ökande ekonomiska intresse2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The outset of this study is to contribute to the literature concerning China’s increasing economic interest to engage in the African context, its economies and resource abundandce. The overarching research problem is that the approaches held by the respective African state entities may facilitate increasing development gains for the recipient state of this economic interest in principle. To adress this research problem the study is undertaken by conducting a comparative case study where three cases/states, with presumably diverging economic and political status, are likely to effect their overall state approaches differently.

    Research questions, which are addressed by the creation of an idealtype analytic matrix, concern whether the states of South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe take on a more ‘permissive’ or ‘restrictive’ approach towards China’s economic interst and whether the approaches can be looked upon on both aggratege and case/area-specific levels.

    The main findings are that a clear tendency of the ‘permissive approach’ may be noted on a aggregate level for all cases. Further, the cases’ economic and poltical status does not necessarily effect this aggregate tendency but but rather the dynamics in case-specific areas deemed relevant in this analysis. The desire to grasp the interest seems greater than internal dynamics.  

  • 39.
    Juhlin Lagrelius, Hannes
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kina i Afrika: Bistånd eller ekonomiskt samarbete?: En jakt på förklaringar av Kinas ökande närvaro i den Afrikanska kontexten2013Student paper second term, 5 credits / 7,5 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Det råder en intensiv debatt vad de alltmer tilltagande utvecklingspartnerskapen mellan Kina och afrikanska stater är ett utryck för och kan förklaras. Syftet är att nå närmare en rimlig förklaring. Frågeställningarna är huruvida det är bistånd eller utvecklingssamarbete i ekonomiska termer som kan observeras. Och hur kan man på basis av relevanta antaganden hos Ekonomisk Nationalism samt Marxism/beroendeteori förklara den kinesiska verksamheten utifrån dess orsaker, form samt konsekvenser. Metoden för denna forskningsuppgift har varit att utifrån tidigare forskning som källor samt de teoretiska antagandena finna relevanta indikatorer i linje med syftet.

    Slutsatserna är att det primärt är statens (Kinas) eller eliters intressens som styr. För säkra sin egen utveckling bedriver Kina en resurs- och marknadsorienterad approach. Men det kan också vara den ekonomiska och politiska eliten – i Kina samt i Afrika -som strävar efter bibehållandet av maktpositioner och en ökad ackumulation av kapital. De kinesiska instrumenten/medlen tar villkorande former som faciliterar fortsatt kinesiska intressenters närvaro; genom frånvaron av politiska men närvaron av ekonomiska konditionaliteter. Detta tenderar att reproducera exploaterande och utnyttjande strukturer/beroendeförhållanden. Man bör vara kritiskt mot det kinesiska engagemanget men detta är inte möjligt utifrån premissen om att de Sino-Afrikanska samarbetena är av traditionell biståndskaraktär.

  • 40.
    Jungmar, Sara
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    UTANFÖRSKAP I ETT MAJORITETSSAMHÄLLE: En diskursanalytisk studie med fokus på romerna i svenska tidningar2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In this paper I study how the minority group Roma appears in the Swedish media. I also look at possible similarities and differences in appearance before and after the disclosure of the Roma registration by the Swedish police in September 2013. To answer my purpose with the paper I treat the following questions:

    • How is the minority group Roma constructed in the media before and after the disclosure?
    • In which ways are the minority group Roma expressed in the media before and after the disclosure?

    I am using a discourse analytic method based on theories of construction between “them” and “we” and the media’s impact on social constructions and identities. By analysing twenty-eight articles from a period of one month before and one month after the disclosure the result shows that there are more similarities than differences between how the Roma are described in the Swedish media. The conclusion is that there are small differences and bigger similarities in how the Roma are constructed between the two periods, but that the attitude against how they are expressed is more sympathetic after the disclosure.

  • 41.
    Koblanck, Maria
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Department of Design. University of Victoria, Canada.
    Legal Modernities: conceptual transformations around the management of human mobility in international relations2013In: Foreigners, refugees, or minorities?: rethinking people in the context of border controls and visas / [ed] Didier Bigo, Sergio Carrera, Elspeth Guild, Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2013, 1, p. 75-88Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The discussion about the situation of the Roma in Europe and their exceptional legal standing when it comes to the right to movement is a telling example of both the legalization of politics and politicization of law within the EU. This text seeks to contribute to the project to re-frame our understanding of international law[1]by looking at how a drive to order coupled with a particular idea of the location of sovereign power that is dependent on particular historicist assumptions and a constantly re-produced separation between different levels of analysis (especially national and international) pervasive within the discipline of international law often enough make such a re-conceptualization impossible despite the best of intentions. It is by tracing this type of human rights discourse internal to international law that we can start to produce constructive criticism of the structures and processes of international law.

    [1]In 2002, for example, Richard Falk, Lester Edwin J. Ruiz and R. B. J. Walker (on behalf of the journal Transnational Law and Contemporary Problems) gathered some of the field’s most prominent scholars in order to engage the question of what it might mean to re-frame international law for the 21st century. Accepting its role as a millennial product and at the same time finding the temporal and spatial structures upon which the question as such was framed, the collection explicitly began by asking what was at stake in ‘framing’ anything in terms of ‘re-framing’. In so doing, the authors located a current disciplinary sensitivity in “a loss of confidence in the adequacy of the world” which is reflected both in doubts about the possibility of interpreting the world and also in the actual normative structures of the world. According to the authors, the effect of lost confidence could be seen in how the academic interpreters of international law “tack uneasily between a conventional wisdom about a world of sovereign jurisdictions coexisting in an increasingly responsible and cooperative system and a sense of profound disorientation.” Falk, Ruiz, Walker, p. 4. – 5.

  • 42.
    Mirza, Avesta
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    A Woman's Truth: Four Women's Personal Stories of Being Victims of Honor-Related Violence2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Honor related violence has become a recognized abuse all over the world and violence against women carried out by the men in their families is and has always been a resurfacing problem in all societies. This paper will focus on the problems which relate to cultures where honor related violence is a more common practice and will depart from societies where men can take violent actions against women in the name of family honor and hide behind cultural exemptions.

    This paper is written to create a deeper insight to the needs and wants of subjected women and to understand their own perception of this type of violence and its underlying causes.

    This paper takes on the view solely of the subjected women and is a direct presentation of their stories and their lives. Instead of using outside observers this paper goes directly to the women living in these types of situations and represents the women based on their own wants and needs from society and authority.

    The methodological framework for this paper is through an inductive process of writing and is through observations and unstructured interviews trying to build a systematic description revolving around the victims of honor related violence. The interviews, biographic narratives, will ask the participants to tell a story about their lives, a biographic narrative where they will freely speak and this will be facilitated during eight in-depth interviews with four different women who during many years lived under abuse carried out in the name of honor by two husband, a father, and several uncles.

    The results of these interviews lead to the conclusions that women often are ignored and forgotten by outside forces such as police and organizations until a crime is committed.

     

  • 43.
    Muratbegovic, Omar
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Department of Languages.
    Análisis textual de la novela:: El túnel, de Ernesto Sábato2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this essay is to reveal different motives that Castel had which finally led him to killing María and also the central thematic of the story. The analysis is also covering different aspects of the book El Túnel, such as language, writer, structure and different ideas. However, the analysis is focused on the central thematic of the story in order to be able to understand the story better and also different motives that led to the murder of the woman. By reading and analyzing the book we are trying to discover these motives and the central thamtic.

  • 44.
    Natalini, Davide
    et al.
    Anglia Ruskin University, UK.
    Bravo, Giangiacomo
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Jones, Aled Wynne
    Anglia Ruskin University, UK.
    Global food security and food riots: an agent-based modelling approach2017In: Food Security, ISSN 1876-4517, E-ISSN 1876-4525Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Due to negative consequences of climate change for agriculture and food production shocks affecting different areas of the world, the past two decades saw the conditions of global food security increasingly worsen. This has resulted in negative consequences for the world economy, partly causing international food price spikes and social upheavals. In this paper we present statistical findings along with a preliminary version of an original agent-based model called the Dawe Global Security Model that simulates the global food market and the political fragility of countries. The model simulates the effects of food insecurity on international food prices and how these, coupled with national political fragility and international food trade can, in turn, increase the probability of food riots in countries. The agents in the model are the 213 countries of the world whose characteristics reflect empirical data and the international trade of food is also simulated based on real trade partnerships and data. The model has been informed, calibrated and validated using real data and the results of these procedures are presented in the paper. To further test the model we also present the model’s forecasts for the near future in terms of food prices and incidence of food riots. The Dawe Global Security Model can be used to test scenarios on the evolution of shocks to global food production and analyse consequences for food riots. Further developments of the model can include national responses to food crises to investigate how countries can influence the spread of global food crises.

  • 45.
    Natalini, Davide
    et al.
    Anglia Ruskin University, UK.
    Jones, Aled W.
    Anglia Ruskin University, UK.
    Bravo, Giangiacomo
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Quantitative Assessment of Political Fragility Indices and Food Prices as Indicators of Food Riots in Countries2015In: Sustainability, ISSN 2071-1050, E-ISSN 2071-1050, Vol. 7, no 4, p. 4360-4385Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The impact of resources on social unrest is of increasing interest to politicalleaders, business and civil society. Recent events have highlighted that (lack of) access tocritical resources, including food, energy and water, can, in certain circumstances, lead toviolent demonstrations. In this paper, we assess a number of political fragility indices tosee whether they are good indicators of propensity to food riots. We found that the mostaccurate is the Political Instability and Absence of Violence Indicator of the WorldwideGovernance Indicators by the World Bank. We compute a likelihood of experiencing afood riot for each quartile of this index. We found that the self-sufficiency of food does notseem to affect the likelihood of the occurrence of food riots, but that the level of politicalstability of a country does have a role. In addition, we identify a monthly and annualthreshold for the Food and Agriculture Organisation Food Price Index, above which foodriots in fragile states are more likely to occur.

  • 46.
    Nilsson, Manuela
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Gustafsson, Jan
    Copenhagen Business Sch.
    Latin American Responses to Globalization in the 21st Century: Introduction2012In: Latin American Responses to Globalization in the 21st Century / [ed] Manuela Nilsson and Jan Gustafsson, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, p. 1-15Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 47.
    Nilsson, Martin
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Demokratins återkomst till Latinamerika2000Report (Other academic)
  • 48.
    Nilsson, Martin
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    European Union (EU)2017In: International Organizations and The Rise of ISIL: Global Responses to Human Security Threats / [ed] Daniel Silander, Don Wallace and John Janzekovic, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2017, p. 72-85Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 49.
    Nilsson, Martin
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Från industrisamhälle till globalt informationssamhälle2001In: Politik i Globaliseringens tid / [ed] Christer Jönsson, Magnus Jerneck, Lars-Göran Stenelo, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2001, 1, p. 178-194Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 50.
    Nilsson, Martin
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Globalization and the Formation of the Political Left in Latin America2012In: Latin American Responses to Globalization in the 21st Century / [ed] Manuela Nilsson and Jan Anderson, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, 1, p. 76-95Chapter in book (Refereed)
12 1 - 50 of 76
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