“Collaboration” is generally portrayed as being beneficial to authorities, even if previous collaborative research shows that conflicts are common between authorities who are supposed to cooperate. What takes place when different actors in the collaboration meet in practice? And what is the best way to analyse this? In qualitative studies, it is often problematic to go from an exhaustive analysis of individual empirical instances to an overall picture of the context or phenomenon in which all instances taken together can be viewed as a case. Years of close engagement with the data may interfere with the analyst’s capacities and opportunities to contextualize a study more broadly and theoretically, and detailed knowledge about a range of situations in the field may make novel contextualizations difficult. This article discusses how to overcome such obstacles, using examples from a study about a “collaboration” project in Swedish youth care.
Knjiga Kritička pravna teorija: izvori, značajke i dosezi, dr. sc. Barbare Pisker nudi pregled osnovnih teoretskih ideja koje stoje iza koncepta kritičke pravne teorije. Kroz prizmu sociološ-kog pristupa autorica predstavlja i analizira tradiciju i sintezu kritičke pravne teorije s nagla-skom na bitnost u stvaranju integralne i kritičke teorije prava. Monografija jasno ukazuje na opći značaj koji je povijesno prisutan u kritičkoj teoriji te je u uskoj vezi s temeljnom premisom sociološkog pristupa, tj. kritičkoj refleksiji društva.
The present book makes an empirical and analytical contribution to our knowledge about victimhood, survivor narratives, and memorialisation in the contextof post-genocide Cambodia. It presents the reader with detailed and expressive narratives about the complex dynamics of survival in post-genocide Cambodia, and analyses these narratives about victimhood from the perspective of former members of the Khmer Rouge
Previous collaboration research shows that problems and conflicts sometimes arise as a part of collaboration. Researchers have highlighted the importance of narratives, but have not focused on narratives about successful cooperation. This article tries to fill this gap by analyzing stories of successful cooperation, even if it unfolds during shorter interaction sequences. The aim is to analyze how and when the actors within youth care portray successful cooperation, and which discursive patterns are involved in the construction of this phenomenon. The empirical basis for this study is formed by 147 recorded interviews with institution-placed youths, their parents, and different occupational categories within the social services and the Swedish National Board of Institutional Care. The personal interactive aspect of cooperation among actors in youth care is important to the success of a collaboration. This aspect also appears to have significance for producing and reproducing joint collaboration identities. However, joint collaboration identities and the coherence triad can limit the sphere of cooperation to the youth care entities: the juvenile (or his/her parents) is left out.
The aim of this study is to analyze how and when the professional actors within the Swedish child welfare system portray successful cooperation and determine which discursive patterns are involved in the construction of this phenomenon. The empirical basis for this study is formed by 147 recorded interviews with institution-placed youths, their parents, and different occupational categories within the social services and the Swedish National Board of Institutional Care. Analytical findings with the following themes are presented: (1) coherent vision triad, (2) coherent rhetorically accepted triad, and (3) coherent exclusive triad. The personal interactive aspect of cooperation among professional actors in the care of children is important for successful collaboration. This aspect also appears to be significant for producing and reproducing joint collaboration identities. However, joint collaboration identities and the coherence triad can limit the sphere of cooperation to the entities involved in the care of youths and the juvenile or his/her parents are left out.
Earlier research on collaboration shows that cooperation comprises problems and conflicts. The purpose of this study is to describe successful collaboration even if it unfolds during shorter interaction frequencies. In the article, interactive patterns involved in the construction of these phenomena will be analyzed. Forming the empirical basis for this study are 119 field observations of organized meetings and informal meetings before and after organized meetings, during visits to youth care institutions in Sweden, social services offices, and the Swedish National Board of Institutional Care. In this study, markers are used to define successful cooperation in the empirical material, so that actors who belong to at least three different categories will be identified. The professional actors can also shape a coherent triad with young people or parents in cases where past conflicts arise. When some professionals create a distance from other professional partners, conflicts can be erased so as to generate new conditions for coherence of the triad. Construction and reconstruction of collaboration success is an ongoing, interactive process. Presentation of the proper interaction moral is created and re-created during interactions and appears in the myriad everyday interactions.
Reason(s) for writing and research problem(s): This article analyzes the experiences retold by former concentration camp detainees who were placed in concentration camps like civilians at the beginning of the Bosnian war in the 1990s. Aims of the paper (scientific and/or social): The article aims to describe the recounted social interaction rituals after time spent in a concentration camp as well as identifying how these interactions are symbolically dramatized. Methodology/Design: The empirical material for this study was collected through qualitative interviews held with nine former camp detainees and four close relatives. Research/paper limitations: The analyzed empirical examples revealed how the camp detainees’ victim identity is created, recreated, and retained in contrast to ‘the others’ – the camp guards. The camp detainees’ portrayal of their victim identity presents their humiliated self through dissociation from the camp guards. Results/Findings: The detainees’ new (altered) moral career is presented as a result of the imprisonment at the camp and the repetitive humiliation and power rituals. The importance of the camp guards was emphasized in these rituals, in which the detainees’ new selves, characterized by moral dissolution and fatigue, emerged. General conclusion: In their stories of crime and abuse in the concentration camps, the detainees reject the guards’ actions and the designation of ‘concentration camp detainee’. The retold stories of violation and power rituals in the camps show that there was little space for individuality. Nevertheless, resistance and status rituals along with adapting to the conditions in the camps seem to have generated some room for increased individualization. To have possessed some control and been able to resist seems to have granted the detainees a sense of honor and self-esteem, not least after the war. Their narratives today represent a form of continued resistance. Research/paper validity: The interviewees’ rejections of the guards’ actions and their forced “camp detainee” status could be interpreted as an expression of de-ritualization, leading away from their own earlier experiences. The subsequently illustrated myriad of everyday interactions, which can be distinguished analytically in the interviewees’ stories, expose rituals of humiliation, power, resistance, and status. Through these, we see the interviewees’ loss of identity, others’ recognition of one’s identity, emotional involvement, and different symbols of resistance.
This article analyses the experiences retold by former concentration camp detainees who were placed in concentration camps at the beginning of the Bosnian war in the 1990s. The article aims to describe the recounted social interaction rituals after having spent time in a concentration camp as well as identifying how these interactions are symbolically dramatized. In their stories of crime and abuse in the concentration camps the detainees reject the guards actions and the category: ”concentration camp detainee”. The retold stories of violation- and power rituals in the camps show that there was little space for individuality. Never the less, resistance- and status rituals along with adapting to the conditions in the camps seem to have generated some room for increased individualization. To have possessed somewhat control and been able to resist seems to have granted a sense of honor and self-esteem for the detainees, not least after the war.
In the German camps during the Second World War, the aim was to kill from a distance, and the camps were highly efficient in their operations. Previous studies have thus analyzed the industrialized killing and the victims' survival strategies. Researchers have emphasized the importance of narratives but they have not focused on narratives about camp rituals, or analyzed post-war interviews as a continued resistance and defense of one’s self. This article tries to fill this gap by analyzing stories told by former detainees in concentration camps in the Bosnian war during the 1990s. The article aims to describe a set of recounted interaction rituals as well as to identify how these rituals are dramatized in interviews. The retold stories of humiliation and power in the camps indicate that there was little space for individuality and preservation of self. Nevertheless, the detainees seem to have been able to generate some room for resistance, and this seems to have granted them a sense of honor and self-esteem, not least after the war. Their narratives today represent a form of continued resistance.
Purpose: The aim of this article was to analyze the retold experiences of 27 survivors from the 1990s war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I have examined verbal markers of reconciliation and implacability and analyzed the described terms for reconciliation that are being actualized in the narratives. Design: The material for the study was gathered through qualitative interviews with 27 individuals who survived the war in north-western Bosnia and Herzegovina. This study joins those narrative traditions within sociology where oral presentations are seen as both discursive- and experience-based. In addition, I perceive the concept of reconciliation as an especially relevant component in those specific stories that I analyzed. Findings: Stories on implacability, reconciliation, and conditions for reconciliation are not shaped only in relation to the war as a whole but also in relation to an individual’s wartime actions and those of others. In these stories, implacability is the predominant feature, but reconciliation is said to be possible if certain conditions are met. Examples of these conditions are justice for war victims, perpetrator recognition of crimes, and emotional commitment from the perpetrator (by showing remorse and shame, for example). Value: Previous research on post-war society emphasized structural violence with subsequent reconciliation processes. Researchers have focused on the importance of narratives, but they have neither analyzed conditions for reconciliation in post-war interviews. This article tries to fill this gap by analyzing the stories told by survivors of the Bosnian war during the 1990s.
Previous research on victimhood during and after the Bosnian war has emphasized the importance of narratives but has not focused on narratives about victimhood or analyzed post-war interviews as a competition for victimhood. This article tries to fill this gap using stories told by survivors of the Bosnian war during the 1990s. In this analysis of the retold experiences of 27 survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia, the aim is to describe the informants’ portrayal of “victimhood” as a social phenomenon as well as analyzing the discursive patterns that contribute to constructing the category “victim”. When, after the war, different categories claim a “victim” status, it sparks a competition for victimhood. All informants are eager to present themselves as victims while at the same time the other categories’ victim status are downplayed. In this reproduction of competition for the victim role, all demarcations that were played out so successfully during the war live on.
This article is based on different types of empirical material, especially recorded interviews, carried out with 27 survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina, and field observations. The focus lies on analyzing interviewees’ and field notes description of war-time violence and also analyzing discursive patterns that contribute in constructing the phenomenon “war violence”. This study shows that narratives on the phenomenon “war violence” depict a decay of pre-war social order. The use of violence during the war is described as organized and ritualized, which implies that the use of violence became a norm in society, rather than the exception. The narratives on the phenomenon “war violence” produce and reproduce the image of human suffering and slaughter. Those subjected to violence are portrayed in a de-humanized fashion and branded as suitable to be exposed to it. In these stories, morally correct actions are constructed as a contrast to the narratives on war violence. In these descriptions, the perpetrator is depicted as a dangerous, evil, and ideal enemy. He is portrayed as a real and powerful yet alien criminal who is said to pose a clear threat to the social order existing before the war.
Ovaj članak prezentira teoretski i metodološki model za analizu prepričanih iskustava bivših logoraša koji su kao civili odvedeni u koncentracione logore početkom rata u Bosni i Hercegovini 1990-tih godina. Cilj je analizirati prepričane rituale ratnog nasilja u koncentracionim logorima kao i identifikovati kako se počinioci ratnog nasilja i žrtve simbolično definiraju u pričama. Priče o nasilju u logoru definiraju počinitelja nasilja kao nekoga ko je opasan, zao, idealan neprijatelja, kao pravi, ali udaljeni zločinac. Kada intervjuisani u studiji naglašavaju istrebljivanje i sistematiziranje ratnog nasilja u logorima tokom rata, oni produciraju i reproduciraju sliku ratnog nasilja koje je organizovano i koje se sprovodi svakodnevno. Čini se da je cilj ovog verbalnog naglašavanja, da opisana djela ratnog nasilja u logorima, poslije rata dobiju status organiziranog i ritualiziranog ratnog nasilja. Definiranjem počinitelja ratnog nasilja, intervjuisani u studiji implicitno ističu komplementarnu suprotnost počinitelja - žrtvu nasilja. Žrtva je predstavljena kao prijeratni poznanik, prijatelji i komšija od izvršitelja nasilja. Žrtva nasilja je definisana kao umorna, posustala u agoniji, kao inferiorna, de-humanizirana, žigovana i kao bespomoćna ostavljena na milost i nemilost počiniteljima ratnog nasilja.
This article analyzes the experiences retold by former concentration camp detainees who were placed in concentration camps like civilians at the beginning of the Bosnian war in the 1990s. The article aims to analyze the narratives of war violence in concentration camp as well as identifying how the perpetrators of war violence and victims are symbolically defined in stories. In these descriptions, the perpetrator is defined as a dangerous, evil, and ideal enemy. He is portrayed as a real and powerful yet alien criminal. When informants emphasize extermination and the systematization of war violence in the camps during the war, they produce and reproduce the image of violence that is organized and conducted on a daily basis. The aim of this verbalb emphasis seems to be that the described acts of violence in the camps, after the war obtain the status of an organized war violence - genocide. By defining the perpetrators of war violence, the interviewed in the study implicitly point out the complementary opposition of the perpetrator - a victim of violence. The victim is presented as pre-war acquaintance, friends and neighbors of the perpetrators of violence. Victim of violence is defined as tired, dying in agony, inferior, de-humanized, stamped and helplessly left to the mercy of the perpetrators of war violence. Leading people to only one primary (deadly) collective identity exists at every place where the “ethnic identity” of people is considered more important than their personal, individual, civic, professional human identity. The merging of ethnonational identities into a completely homogeneous, massive, unique collective identity, which is substantially or (totally) different from some others - perfectly matches reproduction and the creation of new forms of violence.
Tidigare forskning som berör våldet under kriget i Bosnien och Hercegovina presenterar en ensidig bild av fenomenet ”krigsvåld.” Forskare har uppmärksammat betydelsen av efterkrigsberättelser, men de har inte uppmärksammat berättelser om krigsvåld, eller analyserat berättelserna om krigsvåld som en produkt av mellanmänsklig interaktion. Denna artikel försöker fylla denna kunskapslucka genom att analysera berättelser av överlevande efter kriget i nordvästra Bosnien under 1990-talet. Syftet är att analysera hur överlevare beskriver våldet under kriget samt vilka diskursiva mönster som medverkar i konstruktionen av kategorin ”krigsvåld.” Konstruktionen av begreppet ”krigsvåld” synliggörs i det empiriska materialet när intervjupersonerna berättar om (1) en ny social ordning i samhället, (2) människolidande, (3) sexuellt våld och (4) människoslakt. Alla intervjuade definierar krigsvåldet som moraliskt förkastligt. Våldsutövningen under kriget framställs som organiserad och ritualiserad och detta skapar en bild av att våldsutövningen blev en norm i samhället, snarare än ett undantag. Berättelser om våldsamma situationer, våldsverkare och våldsdrabbade existerar inte enbart som en tankekonstruktion. Berättelserna lever sitt eget liv efter kriget och har därmed verkliga konsekvenser för individer och samhället.
Previous research on violence during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina has resulted in a one-sided presentation of the phenomenon of “war violence.” Researchers have emphasized the importance of narratives in general but have not analyzed stories on war violence that were the product of interpersonal interaction and meaning-making activity. The aim of this article is to fill this knowledge gap by analyzing survivor narratives of the 1990s war in northwestern Bosnia. The focus is on analyzing interviewees’ descriptions of wartime violence and the discursive patterns that contribute to constructing the phenomenon of “war violence.” My analysis reveals an intimate relationship between how an interviewee interprets the biographical consequences of war violence and the individual’s own war experiences. All interviewees described war violence as something that is morally reprehensible. These narratives, from both perpetrators of violence and those subjected to violence, recount violent situations that not only exist as mental constructions but also live on even after the war; thus, they have real consequences for the individuals and their society.
The aim of this study is analyzing the narratives of survivors of thewar in northwestern Bosnia in the 1990s. The focus lies on analyzing interviewees’ description of war-time violence and also analyzingdiscursive patterns that contribute in constructing the phenomenon“war violence”. Analysis shows that the interpersonal interactions thatcaused the violence continue even after the violent situation is over.Recollections from perpetrators and those subjected to violence of thewar do not exist only as verbal constructions in Bosnia of today.Stories about violent situations live their own lives after the war andcontinue being important to individuals and social life. The crimescommitted in northwestern Bosnia are qualified as genocide accordingto indictments against former Serbian leaders Radovan Karadžić andRatko Mladić. All interviewees in this study experienced and survivedthe war in northwestern Bosnia. These individuals have a present,ongoing relation with these communities: Some live therepermanently, and some spend their summers in northwestern Bosnia.Institutions in the administrative entity Republika Srpska (to whichnorthwestern Bosnia now belong administratively) deny genocide,and this approach to war-time events becomes a central theme infuture, post-war analysis of the phenomena “war violence”, and“reconciliation”. Therefore, it is very important to analyze the politicalelite’s denial of the systematic acts of violence during the war thathave been conveyed by the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia andHerzegovina onWar Crime, and Bosnian media. The narratives in myempirical material seem to be influenced by (or coherent with) therhetoric mediated in these fora. When informants emphasizeextermination and the systematization of violence during the war, theyproduce and reproduce the image of a mutual struggle on a collectivelevel. The aim of this struggle seems to be that the described acts ofviolence be recognized as genocide.
Previous research on violence during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina have emphasized the importance of narratives without focusing on narratives mentioning war violence, but they have not analyzed stories on war violence that were the product of interpersonal interaction and meaning-making activity. The aim of this study is to fill this knowledge gap by analyzing the narratives of survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia in the 1990s. The focus lies on analyzing interviewees’ description of war-time violence and also analyzing discursive patterns that contribute in constructing the phenomenon “war violence”. Analysis shows that the interpersonal interactions that caused the violence continue even after the violent situation is over. Recollections from perpetrators and those subjected to violence of the war do not exist only as verbal constructions in Bosnia of today. Stories about violent situations live their own lives after the war and continue being important to individuals and social life. Individuals who were expelled from northwestern Bosnia during the war in the 1990s are, in a legal sense, in a recognized violence-afflicted victim category. Several perpetrators were sentenced by the Hague Tribunal and the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime. The crimes committed in northwestern Bosnia are qualified as genocide according to indictments against former Serbian leaders Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. All interviewees in this study experienced and survived the war in northwestern Bosnia. These individuals have a present, ongoing relation with these communities: Some live there permanently, and some spend their summers in northwestern Bosnia. Institutions in the administrative entity Republika Srpska (to which northwestern Bosnia now belong administratively) deny genocide, and this approach to war-time events becomes a central theme in future, post-war analysis of the phenomena “war violence”, and “reconciliation”. Therefore, it is very important to analyze the political elite’s denial of the systematic acts of violence during the war that have been conveyed by the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime, and Bosnian media. The narratives in my empirical material seem to be influenced by (or coherent with) the rhetoric mediated in these fora. When informants emphasize extermination and the systematization of violence during the war, they produce and reproduce the image of a mutual struggle on a collective level. The aim of this struggle seems to be that the described acts of violence be recognized as genocide.
In a study of a project concerning Swedish juvenile care professionals, youngsters and parents were studied by ethnographic field observations as well as interviewed. During the course of the investigation various and shifting triads forming conflicts as well as alliances were observed. In this paper the triads described in interviews will be compared to field observations of triads formed during various meetings connected to the juvenile care project. I will analyze similarities and differences in retold triads during interviews and interactional “in situ” formed triads according to (1) different alliance formations, (2) different roles in changing constellations, (3) the temporal development of the alliances in the triad and (4) the alliance’s including and excluding function in the triads.
My goal with this article is to analyse the retold experiences of 27 survivors of the 1990s war in north-western Bosnia. I focus on describing the informants' portrayal of “victimhood” as a social phenomenon as well as analysing those discursive patterns which contributed in constructing the category “victim” and ”perpetrator”. When, after the war, different actors claim this “victim” status, it sparks a competition for victimhood. All informants are eager to present themselves as victims while at the same time the other categories' victim status is downplayed. Different categories appear and they are: ”the remainders” those who lived in north-western Bosnia before, during and after the war; “the fugitives” those who driven into north-western Bosnia during the war; “the returnees” those who returned after the war and “the diaspora” those who were driven out from north-western Bosnia and remained in their new country. The competition between these categories seems to take place on a symbolic level. All interviewees want to portray themselves as ”ideal victims” but they are all about to lose that status. The returnees and the diaspora are losing status by receiving recognition from the surrounding community and because they have a higher economic status, the remainders are losing status since they are constantly being haunted by war events and the refugees are losing status by being presented as strangers and thus fitting the role of ideal perpetrators. In this reproduction of competition for the victim role, all demarcations that were played out so successfully during the war live on.
Raširenost vladajućih normi u društvu u kontekstu rata, okupacije, anarhije i preuzimanja vlasti od strane kriminalnih snaga uništava stare, ali postavlja nove norme, koje takođe mogu biti odbačene. Anomija se može opisati kao nukleus društva, kao vrsta „pulsirajuće moralne destrukcije” koju niko ne kontroliše, ali koja paradoksalno proizvodi socijalni red. Anomija se ne rađa iz ništavila, iz praznine; ona je produkt interaktivne dinamike koja nastaje kada se pojedinci udruže, djelujući kao pogonsko gorivo koje potiče pojedince da se sretnu. Émile Durkheim se fokusira na to kako međuljudska interakcija stvara promjene u društvu, pri čemu često pokazuje različite patološke karakteristike koje dovode do frustracije i konflikta. Individualna potraga za sopstvenim oslobađanjem od zajednice dovodi do gubitka osjećaja pripadnosti, a time i otuđenja. Kada se stare društvene mreže pokidaju, postaje nemoguće održati stare norme i vrijednosti. Pojedinac više nije ograničen moralnim načelima i autoritetom. Umjesto toga, može da razvije obrazac po kojem konstantno prevazilazi sve granice jer se kolaps prijašnje socijalne kontrole poklapa sa razvojem sistema koji zahtijeva konstantan porast individualnih potreba. Produkt takve interakcije je stanje društva u kojem postoji nesigurnost po pitanju vrijednosti, ciljeva i normi. Durkheim ovakvo stanje naziva „anomijom”. Durkheim analizira devijacije normi (kao i individualni i društveni odgovor/reakciju na devijacije normi, kao što je kazna) kao sastavni dio problema solidarnosti i socijalne kohezije. Moralni red u društvu prema Durkheimu ima fundamentalnu vrijednost zato što su pojedinci integrisani u zajednicu koja ih kontroliše. Durkheim vidi integraciju kao način da se pojedinac veže za zajednicu kroz zajednički stav, solidarnost i rituale. On vidi kontrolu kao silu koja opčinjava i veže pojedinca za norme kroz pravni sistem, zakone i sankcije. Durkheim definiše odstupanje od norme kao čin koji vrijeđa jaku i jasnu kolektivnu svijest. Zbog toga su djela antisocijalna ako krše norme i vrijednosti koje su inače važan segment društvenog jedinstva. Rad obavještajnih i operativnih policijskih i graničnih snaga u oblasti Baltičkog mora (Švedskoj, Finskoj, Estoniji, Litvaniji i Letoniji) karakterističan je po ritualima konstantnog stvaranja normi od samog početka dana: od jutarnje kafe i prve razmjene informacija sa obavještajnom službom do operativnih radnji kao što su nadzor ili kontrola pojedinaca ili automobila. Ove interakcije se odlikuju jakom željom da se očuva postojeći društveni red. Što se tiče prijetnje postojećim normama postoje i normativni rituali. Na primjer, u ovakvim interakcijama, konstruišu se „Rusi koji odbacuju norme”, oni nisu fizički prisutni u određenoj situaciji, ali su važni u tim vezama kao neki nevidljivi sveti objekti. Stvaranje kategorije „Rus koji odbacuje norme” u kojoj su Rusija/Rusi iskorišteni za dramatizaciju „drugih” je vidljivo u empirijskom materijalu kada akteri u studiji opisuju (1) Ruse kriminalce, (2) ruske špijune i (3) ruskuvojnu okupaciju.
QUESTIONS: 1. WHY DO WE NEED education for a culture of peace and non-violence? 2. WHAT NEW KNOWLEDGE do we gain? 3. Is a culture of peace possible in a violent (unjust) world? 4. WHAT DOES the term “culture of remembrance” MEAN, which is a controversial phrase based on a vague mixing of individual and collective memory? 5. WHY ARE culture, multiculturalism, cultural policy, identity policy, preservation of national, ethnic, religious or cultural identity IMPORTANT? EXPLANATION OF THE TOPIC: Building of peace in today's conflicts requires a long-term commitment to establishing connections and relationships across all social levels: relationships that strengthen the resources of reconciliation within society and make effective use of contributions outside it. Peacebuilding is not just work to prevent a return to the conflict of once conflicting parties, but it focuses on the real causes not only of the just-ended war, but of all potential conflicts. In this sense, we can distinguish between a negative peace, that is, the absence of armed conflict and a positive peace that includes justice, equality and other fundamental social and political goods. In a narrower sense, peacebuilding is a process that facilitates the establishment of long-term peace and that seeks to prevent a recurrence of violence by focusing on the causes and consequences of conflict through reconciliation, institution building, political and economic transformation. (Catherine Morris; John Paul Lederach; Barnett et al., 2007; Maiese, 2003; HKO “Kruh sv. Ante”- Trauma centar)
Polazna točka ovog članka je rat koji je održan u sjeverozapadnoj Bosni i Hercegovini te posebno interpersonalna interpretacija nasilja i biografski utjecaj ratnog nasilja. Srpski vojnici i policajci ciljano su vršili nasilje nad civilnoim stanovništvom u sjeverozapadnoj Bosni. U svojoj namjeri da se Bošnjaci i Hrvati istjeraju s tog područja, srpski vojnici i policajci koristili su masovne egzekucije, tjeranje na bijeg, sustavno silovanje i koncentracione logore. Cilj ovog članka je popuniti ovu prazninu znanja kroz analizu priča preživjelih u ratu u sjeverozapadnoj Bosni tijekom 1990-ih. Svrha je analizirati kako preživjeli opisuju ratna nasilja te diskurzivne obrasce koji se pojavljuju u konstrukciji kategorije “ratnog nasilja.” Moja pitanja su kako slijedi: Kako ispitanici opisuju ratna nasilja? Koje kategorije nasilja su istaknute u pričama? Kako preživjeli opisuju seksualno nasilje i oblike seksualnog zlostavljanja tijekom rata? U ovoj studiji, želim dotaći fenomen “ratnog nasilja” kroz analizu priča ispitanika, odnosno njihove opise te odnose među njima. Ova analiza će pokazati da je interpretacija biografskih posljedica ratnog nasilja blisko povezana s osobnim ratnim iskustvima ispitanika. U nastavku ću pokušati istaći kako stvaranje koncepta “ratnog nasilja” postaje vidljivo kad sugovornici u empirijskom materijalu govore o (1) novom društvenom poretku, (2) ljudskoj patnji, (3) seksualnom nasilju i (4) ubijanju ljudi.
Syftet med denna studie är att utifrån mitt empiriska material kartlägga och beskriva hur föräldrar till barn intagna på särskilda ungdomshemmen tolkar, definierar och upplever ett behandlingsprojekt, som involverade olika myndigheter, benämnt Motverka Våld och Gäng. Dessutom uppmärksammas hur de anställda samordnarna uppfattades och kategoriserades av föräldrarna. ”Föräldrar” blir i undersökningen i stort liktydigt med mödrar, eftersom alla föräldrar som intervjuats i denna studie är kvinnor dvs. mammor. Under ett möte som ägnades ett analysavsnitt, är emellertid en styvpappa närvarande.De mammor som berättar om samordnarna målar upp olika bilder av uppskattade samordnare. Det kan handla om samordnare som har makt att exempelvis ”kolla upp socialen” men även om samordnare utan makt som ändå uppskattas. Samordnare som beskrivs på ett positivt sätt ses även som aktörer som är engagerade och tog en aktiv roll. Denne ringer ofta till mammorna, kämpar för deras barn och är framgångsrik i att engagera frånvarande pappor. Den positiva samordnaren ses som en ”trygghet” som trots sina begränsningar får ett erkännande i sin roll. De anses framtidsinriktade till skillnad från socialtjänsten, de ”bryr sig” och detta visar de genom sin omsorg för detaljer och i själva interaktionen. De mammor vars berättelser om samordnaren innehar en kritisk ton är ofta även kritiska till de andra inblandade aktörerna. Kritiken i sig fokuserar inte bara på samordnaren utan även på en viss kontext där samordnaren ingår. I de fall samordnaren kritiseras explicit ger beskrivningen dels bilden av samordnaren som frånvarande från vårdkedjan, dels bilden av allianser som skapats som motpol till samordnaren. I några fall ligger mammornas ouppfyllda förväntningar till grund för kritiska berättelser om samordnarna. Det kan handla om bristande service från samordnarens sida eller som i en mammas fall upplevelsen att samordnaren ”bara pratar”, ”sitter med”, ”men sen blir det inte mer”. Det kan också handla om att känna sig utestängd som förälder. Ett möte kan betraktas som ett forum där problem diskuteras, beslut fattas och frågor behandlas. Detta sätt att beskåda ett möte har jag delvis kringgått. Genom analys av fältanteckningar har jag istället fokuserat på de sociala fenomen som aktualiserats under mötet. Kön, etnicitet och maktförhållande mellan de inblandade aktörerna framställs som särskild viktiga av de olika mötesaktörerna.
This article aimed to provide new knowledge about ethical issues in doctoral supervision by analysing conflicts and roles that are assumed and acted out in supervision practice. This analysis was based on a literature review of various studies from the field of educational sciences, social pedagogy, doctoral supervision in theory and practice, and theories and practice of teaching and learning. The literature review identified several ethical issues relevant to doctoral supervision. These issues mostly arose from disappointed expectations, for instance, in the supervisor’s or doctoral student’s knowledge/competence, cultural viewpoint, roles, participation, language proficiency, and criticism/feedback. This analysis found that conflicts and the roles adopted and acted out during a supervision situation were not static – multiple roles could be assumed simultaneously, and the roles frequently changed. These changes provided opportunities to prevent or remedy ethical issues and conflicts in supervision. Changes could also lead to the creation and replication of a stable relationship between the doctoral student and supervisor. To prevent ethical issues and conflicts, the relationship between a doctoral student and a supervisor should be characterised by mutual respect, responsibility, integrity, and recognition. These components were needed to: (1) create the conditions for successful knowledge development in supervision, (2) complete a third-cycle education programme, (3) qualify the doctoral student to hold a doctoral degree, and (4) prevent ethical issues and conflicts connected with doctoral student supervision, through the constructive alignment of various elements in the third cycle programme.
This article aimed to provide new knowledge about ethical issues in doctoral supervision by analysing conflicts and roles that are assumed and acted out in supervision practice. This analysis was based on a literature review of various studies from the field of educational sciences, social pedagogy, doctoral supervision in theory and practice, and theories and practice of teaching and learning. The literature review identified several ethical issues relevant to doctoral supervision. These issues mostly arose from disappointed expectations, for instance, in the supervisor’s or doctoral student’s knowledge/competence, cultural viewpoint, roles, participation, language proficiency, and criticism/feedback. This analysis found that conflicts and the roles adopted and acted out during a supervision situation were not static – multiple roles could be assumed simultaneously, and the roles frequently changed. These changes provided opportunities to prevent or remedy ethical issues and conflicts in supervision. Changes could also lead to the creation and replication of a stable relationship between the doctoral student and supervisor. To prevent ethical issues and conflicts, the relationship between a doctoral student and a supervisor should be characterised by mutual respect, responsibility, integrity, and recognition. These components were needed to: (1) create the conditions for successful knowledge development in supervision, (2) complete a third-cycle education programme, (3) qualify the doctoral student to hold a doctoral degree, and (4) prevent ethical issues and conflicts connected with doctoral student supervision, through the constructive alignment of various elements in the third-cycle programme.
Previous research has emphasized the institutional racism in total institutions. Researchers have highlighted the importance of narratives but have not focused on narratives about ethnic monitoring and social control. This article tries to fill this gap by analysing stories related to descriptions of ethnic monitoring and social control as told by juveniles of non-Swedish ethnicity in Swedish juvenile care institutions. A juvenile’s ethnicity was highlighted by drawing attention to the staff’s monitoring and social control. Interviews elucidated the victimhood that non-Swedish juveniles portrayed in relation to the staff and/or Swedish juveniles. When juveniles of non-Swedish ethnicity described ethnic monitoring and social control, they generally distanced themselves from staff behaviour and portrayed a victim identity. In constructing their identity, juveniles sometimes used their ethnic background rhetorically when describing everyday situations in the institution. The juveniles portrayed a humiliated self through dissociation from the staff and through the descriptions that they were treated differently than Swedish juveniles.
In an evaluation of a juvenile-care project sponsored by the Swedish National Board of Institutional Care, ethnicity was identified as an important dimension in treatment, staff practices, and relationships among juveniles. This article aims to analyze descriptions of ethnic monitoring and social control in Swedish juvenile institutions. A juvenile’s ethnicity was highlighted by drawing attention to the staff’s monitoring and social control. Interviews elucidated the victimhood that non-Swedish juveniles portrayed in relation to the staff and/or Swedish juveniles. When juveniles of non-Swedish ethnicity described ethnic monitoring and social control, they generally distanced themselves from staff behavior and portrayed a victim identity. In constructing their identity, juveniles sometimes used their ethnic background rhetorically when describing everyday situations in the institution. The juveniles portrayed a humiliated self through dissociation from the staff and through the descriptions that they were treated differently than Swedish juveniles.
Detta utkast utgör en redovisning av ett uppdrag som jag fick av Forsknings- och utvecklingsenheten vid Statens institutionsstyrelse (SiS). Uppdraget bestod i att, under en tvåmånadersperiod (april och maj 2009), granska och urskilja etnicitetsmarkörer i det empiriska material som samlats in under intervjuer och möten med aktörerna i ett samarbetsprojekt i ungdomsvården (MVG-projektet). Tanken var att studien skulle ge några förslag på strategier i det fortsatta värdegrundsarbetet inom SiS. I detta utkast analyseras muntliga etnicitetsgestaltningar hos olika aktörer i ungdomsvården. Undersökningen uppmärksammar etniciteten när den uttrycks verbalt och icke-verbalt, hur den uttrycks samt i vilka situationer kategoriseringar synliggörs implicit eller explicit. Studiens syfte är: att analysera när och hur etnicitet aktualiseras genom kategoriseringar i ungdomsvården, att uppmärksamma hur dessa kategoriseringar markeras samt påvisa hur berättarens egna etniska identitet formas och upprätthålls genom olika markeringar. Rapporten bygger på 109 intervjuer som genomförts med olika aktörer i ungdomsvården samt de fältanteckningar jag fört i anslutning till de olika mötena, spontana samtal före och efter intervjuerna, och i anslutning till besöken på de olika institutionerna, arbetsplatserna, mm.
I denna studie analyseras muntliga etnicitetsgestaltningar hos olika aktörer i ungdomsvården. Undersökningen uppmärksammar etniciteten när den uttrycks verbalt och icke-verbalt, hur den uttrycks samt i vilka situationer kategoriseringar synliggörs implicit eller explicit.Studiens syfte är: att analysera när och hur etnicitet aktualiseras genom kategoriseringar i ungdomsvården, att uppmärksamma hur dessa kategoriseringar markeras samt påvisa hur berättarens egna etniska identitet formas och upprätthålls genom olika markeringar.Rapporten bygger på 109 intervjuer som genomförts med olika aktörer i ungdomsvården samt de fältanteckningar jag fört i anslutning till de olika mötena, spontana samtal före och efter intervjuerna, och i anslutning till besöken på de olika institutionerna, arbetsplatserna, mm. Etnicitet används explicit såväl som implicit, såväl av ungdomarna själva som av de professionella, och i inbördes relationer inom respektive kollektiv samt mellan kollektiven. Vanligast används etniciteten som en förklaring och som ett verktyg i samspelet, d v s det används för att uppnå olika saker eller att betona eller framhäva en önskad bild. De professionella använder etniciteten när de förklarar ungdomars agerande, de jämför sig även med kollegor i termer av vem som visar störst etnisk hänsyn eller vem som kan mest om etnicitet. Etniciteten bildar här en arena för självpresentation: man framställer sig som ”kulturellt kompetent” i relation till andra. Ungdomarna använder också etnicitet när de skall berätta om: placeringar, den sociala kontrollen på institutionen, diskriminering, kärleksrelationer, mm. Institutionslivet blir på så sätt etniskt laddat men denna definition delas inte alltid av andra aktörer. Det bemötande som ungdomar tolkar som etnisk diskriminering kan personalen anse vara självförvållat, t ex på grund av påstådd misskötsamhet. Etnicitet är en omstridd markör i detta sammanhang och därmed ett potentiellt vapen i samspelet. Detta tydliggörs särskilt genom etniskt färgade svordomar och tilltal vilka ungdomarna upplever som ett instrument för nedvärdering. Ibland framställs etnicitet som en resurs, en tillgång för aktörer i ungdomsvården för att begripliggöra och genomföra olika situationer och projekt. Det som görs begripligt och genomförs (eller sägs ha genomförts) blir inte sällan problematiskt ur aktörernas synvinkel. Att detta sker behöver inte ses som något problematiskt i sig, snarare tydliggör det hur aktörer använder etnicitet för att synliggöra problem.
I detta kapitel analyserar jag redovisande förklaringar av aktörernas agerande och observerade sekvenser där övervakning och social kontroll på institutionen återges och synliggörs av ungdomar med en annan etnisk bakgrund än den svenska.En utgångspunkt i analysen är Thomas Hylland Eriksens (1993/2000) syn på etnicitet som en pågående relationsprocess mellan aktörer. När etnifierad övervakning och social kontroll på institutionen synliggörs: (1) tar ungdomarna avstånd från personalens agerande, (2)gestaltar ungdomarna sin offeridentitet. Etnifierad övervakning på institutionen är övervakning där ungdomar i observerade eller återberättade situationer aktualiserar sin eller andras etniska bakgrund. Den kan indelas i explicit och implicit etnifierad övervakning. Den explicita etnifierade övervakningen synliggörs i de fall då institutionspersonalen finns fysisk närvarande i de beskrivna eller observerade situationerna. Den implicita etnifierade övervakningen förekommer konstant även om institutionspersonalen inte finns närvarande, eller inte sägs finnas närvarande eftersom ungdomarna, som till stor del har en annan etnisk bakgrund än den svenska är placerade på en institution och konstant övervakade.Etnifierad social kontroll på institutionen är social kontroll där ungdomar aktualiserar sin eller de andras etniska bakgrund. Mer specifikt handlar det om återgivningar och synliggörande av situationer där ungdomarna reglerats till att handla i enlighet medinstitutionspersonalens (institutionens) regler, normer och värderingar och där deras etniska bakgrund eller de andras etniska bakgrund synliggörs. Analysen visar att när ungdomar synliggör etnifierad övervakning och social kontroll uppmärksammar de ofta personalens handlingar som de uppfattar som moraliskt förkastliga.Dessa två fenomen: etnifierad övervakning och social kontroll går ofta inte att isolera i den dagliga interaktionen. Vanligtvis framträder dessa två sociala fenomen tillsammans fast det finns exempel där den explicita etnifierade övervakningen utövas utan den sociala ontrollen.Förutom detta är det inte bara ungdomar som övervakas och kontrolleras av personalen. Det finns nämligen tydliga exempel där ungdomarna övervakar och kontrollerar personalen. Ett exempel finns i fallet när en pojke sägs ha anmält att institutionspersonalen betecknat honomsom ”blatte”. Kontrollen som han förmedlar i förhållande till personalen grundar sig på det han uppfattar som moraliskt riktigt - moralen där personalen inte bör placera honom i en för honom nedvärderande kategori. När etnifierad övervakning och social kontroll på institutionen synliggörs av ungdomarna tar de i regel avstånd från personalens agerande och gestaltar sin offeridentitet. Under identitetsskapandet tycks dessa ungdomar använda sin etniska bakgrund retoriskt när de förklarar situationer i vardagen på institutionen. Dessa ungdomar presenterar sitt förödmjukade själv genom avståndstaganden från institutionspersonalen och i kontrast till beskrivningar av hur svenska ungdomarna blir behandlade. Ungdomarnas förödmjukade själv tar tydligt gestalt i situationsförklaringar och denna identitet förstärks än mer när de uppmärksammar att personalen och de svenska ungdomarna kan kalla dem ”jävla svartskalle”, ”din blattefitta” eller ”jävla kanakas”.
In this study, the stories told by the adolescents and the personnel in institutional care in Sweden are about everyday interactions that occur while the adolescents stay at the institution and how the personnel work with that category of clients. The analysis pays attention to details about war and post-war interactions and how a community’s moralisations can affect social pedagogical work with inclusion and integration into the community. From a Swedish perspective, it is easy to imagine that the war’s consequences are taking place ‘over there’, in a different country or another part of the world, at another time in place. It therefore becomes especially important to allow people with war experiences who are in Sweden to share and relate how the experiences are significant here and now. By allowing this sharing, knowledge is also created about how preconceptions, inequalities and discrimination can be faced and discouraged. This study shows how overlapping or parallel identifications of adolescents and personnel operate through a number of interactions where the individual claims or is assigned identity categories in various ways. Categories such as victim of war, student, homosexual, empathetic personnel, competent personnel and incompetent personnel are actualised in relation to the adolescents’ war experiences and institution placement. The interactive dynamic in the situation helps to create and re-create these categories. The study’s analysis observes individuals in a vulnerable and strenuous situation with the aim of highlighting their opinions, stories and terms. Adolescents with war experiences are at risk of being affected by stigmatisation and singled out in the community and for discrimination and unequal relationships because of their background and how it is treated in Sweden. Personnel who have been interviewed in the study note that the social climate impairs their work with inclusion and integration of that client category.
The starting point of this article is the war that took place in northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina and more specifi cally interpersonal interpretations of violence and the biographical impact of war-time violence. Serbian soldiers and police targeted their use of violent force directly against the civilian populations in northwestern Bosnia. In their quest to expel Bosniacs and Croats from this area, Serbian soldiers and police used mass executions, forced flight, systematic rape, and concentration camps. The aim of this article is to analyze how the survivors describe war-time violence and which discursive patterns emerge in the construction of the category “war violence.” My questions are as follows: How do the interviewees describe wartime violence? Which categories of violence are highlighted in the stories? How do war survivors describe sexual violence and other sexual abuse during the war? In this study, I seek to touch on the phenomenon “war violence” by analyzing the narratives of the informants, namely their descriptions in relation to themselves and others. This analysis will show that the interpretation of the biographical consequences of war violence is intimately related to the subject’s own war experiences. In the following, I try to highlight how the creation of the concept “war violence” is made visible when the interviewees, in the empirical material, talk about (1) a new social order in society, (2) human suffering, (3) sexual violence, and (4) slaughter of humans.
The starting point of this paper is the war that took place in northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina and more specifi cally interpersonal interpretations of violence and the biographical impact of wartime violence. Serbian soldiers and police targeted their use of violent force directly against the civilian populations in northwestern Bosnia. In their quest to expel Bosniacs and Croats from this area, Serbian soldiers and police used mass executions, forced fl ight, systematic rape, and concentration camps. The aim of this paper is to fi ll this knowledge gap through analyzing the stories told by survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia during the 1990s. The purpose is to analyze how the survivors describe wartime violence and which discursive patterns emerge in the construction of the category “war violence”. My questions are as follows: How do the interviewees describe war-time violence? Which categories of violence are highlighted in the stories? How do war survivors describe sexual violence and other sexual abuse during the war? In this study, I seek to touch on the phenomenon of “war violence” by analyzing the narratives of the informants, namely their descriptions in relation to themselves and others. This analysis will show that the interpretation of the biographical consequences of war violence is intimately related to the subject’s own war experiences. Further, I will try to highlight how the creation of the concept “war violence” is made visible when the interviewees, in the empirical material, talk about (1) a new social order in society, (2) human suff ering, (3) sexual violence, and (4) slaughter of humans.
The Bosnian war can be seen as a particularly illustrative case of war sociology, based on the ethnic mix of the population prior to the war. War antagonists often knew each other from before the war. Serbian soldiers and policemen carried out mass executions, forced flight, and systematic rape and set up concentration camps in their effort to drive away Bosniacs and Croats from northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina. The warfare was directly targeted against civilians. The material for the study was gathered through qualitative interviews with 27 individuals who survived the war in north-western Bosnia and Herzegovina. This study joins those narrative traditions within sociology where oral presentations are seen as both discursive- and experience-based. An interactionally inspired perspective on human interaction, through symbols and an ethno-methodological perspective on human stories is a general starting point. In addition, I perceive the concept of war violence as an especially relevant component in those specific stories that I analyzed. Previous research on violence during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina presents a one-sided picture of the phenomenon ”war violence”. Researchers have emphasized the importance of narratives but they have not focused on narratives about war violence, nore have they analyzed the stories of war violence being a product of interpersonal interaction and meaning-making activity. This article tries to fill this knowledge gap by analyzing the narratives of survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia in the 1990s. The aim is to analyze how the interviewees describe violence during the war, and also to analyze those discursive patterns that contribute in constructing the category ”war violence”. The analysis shows that the individual's interpretation of the biographical consequences of war violence are intimately related to the subjects own war experiences. All interviewees describing war violence as morally reprehensible. Narratives retelling violent situations, perpetrators of violence and subjected to violence does not only exist as a mental construction, stories live their lives after the war, and thus have real consequences for individuals and society.
De mellanmänskliga interaktioner som våldet fött fortgår efter det att själva våldssituationen avslutats. Återgivningar av våldsverkare och våldsdrabbade från kriget existerar inte enbart som verbala konstruktioner i dagens Bosnien. Berättelser om våldsamma situationer lever sitt eget liv efter kriget och fortsätter att ha betydelse för individer och samhällsliv. Individer som fördrevs från nordvästra Bosnien under kriget på 1990-talet är i juridisk mening en erkänd våldsdrabbad offerkategori. De har alla utsatts för brott mot de mänskliga rättigheterna och de flesta för våldsbrott av olika slag. Flera förövare har blivit dömda av Haagtribunalen och Bosnien och Hercegovinas tribunal för krigsbrott. De brott som begåtts i nordvästra Bosnien är kvalificerade som folkmord enligt åtal mot de före detta serbiska ledarna Radovan Karadžić och Ratko Mladić.
In this article I analyze verbally portrayed experiences of 27 survivors from the 90’s war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. One aim of the article is to analyze markers for reconciliation and implacability, the second is to describe the terms for reconciliation which are actualized in those stories. The interactive dynamics, which occurred during the war, make the post-war reconciliation wartime associated. Narratives about reconciliation, implacability and terms for reconciliation, are not only formed in relation to the war as a whole but also in relation to one’s own and others’ persons wartime actions. The narratives about reconciliation become an arena in which we and them are played against each other in different ways – not least by rejecting the others acts during the war. In the interviewees stories implacability is predominant but reconciliation is presented as a possibility if certain conditions are met. These conditions are, for instance, justice for war victims,perpetrators’ recognition of crime and perpetrators’ emotional commitment (for example the display of remorse and shame).
Att människor tvingas fly från krig och katastrofer är högst aktuellt idag. Det här kapitlet uppmärksammar ungdomar som har upplevt ett krig, tagit sin tillflykt till Sverige samt omhändertagits och placerats på institutioner. Syftet är att utveckla kunskap om interaktioner som bidrar till formande av ungdomarnas identiteter under och efter krig. Det empiriska materialet som analyserats är: 1) kvalitativt orienterade intervjuer med sex omhändertagna pojkar (från Afghanistan, Irak och Syrien) – som upplevt ett krig och senare blivit placerade på HVB-hem i Sverige; 2) renskrivna fältanteckningar från observation vid HVB-hem; samt 3) dokument i form av medierapportering från Internet som berör den aktuella ungdomskategorin. I kapitlet presenteras följande tre analytiska upptäcker: a) Kriget som skräckfilm; b) Flykten som utpressning och c) Interaktioner efter krig – anonymt och byråkratiserat.
I detta utkast analyseras forskningsprocessens olika steg, från problemformulering till analys av data, och de kritiska val man ställs inför. Den empiriska delen bygger på observationer i Ljubija, en stad i nordvästra Bosnien, tidningsartiklar från området samt fjorton intervjuer. Känslorna under fältarbetet diskuteras.
I denna artikel analyseras berättelser av 27 överlevande efter kriget i Bosnien och Hercegovina. Artikelns syfte är att dels analysera markeringar för försoning och oförsonlighet, dels beskriva de försoningsvillkoren som aktualiseras i berättelser. Den interaktiva dynamiken under kriget konstruerar försoningen efter kriget som förbunden med krigstiden. Berättelser om försoning blir en arena för olika utspel mellan vi och de – inte minst genom avståndstagande från de andras agerande under kriget. I de intervjuades berättelser är oförsonligheten det mest framträdande men försoning framställs kunna åstadkommas om vissa villkor uppfylls. Dessa villkor är till exempel rättvisa för krigets offer, förövarens erkännande av brott och förövarens känsloengagemang (exempelvis att visa ånger och skam).
The purpose of the study is (1) to analyze narratives of youth that have experienced war, taken refuge in Sweden, and taken into custody and placed in institutions; (2) to analyze the organization of work cared for youth with war experiences ininstitutional care. The material of the study is gathered through interviews and conversations with youngsters in institutional care with war experience and through interviews and conversations with staff who work among youth with war experiences in institutional care. The theoretical perspective is determined from an ethno-methodological influenced interaction. Special attention will be given to the social comparisons and stories about health care, ethnicity and war which are expressed in the interviews.
Previous research on victimhood often has presented a one-sided picture of the “victim” and “perpetrator”. Researchers have emphasized the importance of narratives and they have focused on narratives about victimhood, but a researcher has not analyzed post-war interviews as a competition for victimhood. This article tries to fill this gap using stories told by survivors of the Bosnian war during the 1990s. I focus on describing the informants portrayal of “victimhood” as well as analysing those discursive patterns which contributed in constructing the category “victim” and ”perpetrator”. My research question is: How do the interviewees describe victimhood after the war? When, after the war, different actors claim this “victim” status, it sparks a competition for victimhood. All informants are eager to present themselves as victims while at the same time for the other categories victim status is downplayed. In this reproduction of competition for the victim role, all demarcations that were played out so successfully during the war live on.
Syftet med detta utkast är att analysera hur ungdomar som varit placerade på särskilda ungdomshem upplever, definierar och tolkar ett behandlingsprojekt, som involverade olika myndigheter, benämnt Motverka Våld och Gäng. Dessutom uppmärksammas hur de tolkade de i projektet anställda samordnarna. Den personliga aspekten i relationen mellan ungdomar och samordnare framställs som viktig och det verkar som om den aspekten fyller en viktig funktion i vårdkedjan. Ett gott samspel mellan samordnare och ungdom kan stärka att samordnarens förutsättningar att påverka vårdkedjan under förutsättning att samordnaren accepteras av socialsekreteraren i fallet. Om samarbetet mellan samordnare och socialsekreterare är bristfälligt kan socialsekreteraren komma att uppleva ungdomens uppskattning av samordnaren som en allians mellan ungdom – samordnare mot socialsekreteraren. Detta kan ge negativa effekter på ungdomens vårdkedja. Samordnarna uppskattas av ungdomarna om de är trovärdiga och förtroendeingivande, och detta tycks enbart inträffa om de är personliga. En samordnare som intar rollen som – ytterligare en – distanserad och formell myndighetsperson blir endast ännu en av de många vuxna, som omger dessa ungdomar. Samtidigt måste samordnaren behärska myndighetsperspektiven. En omtyckt samordnare är en samordnare som kan kontrollera och inspektera vad övriga myndighetsaktörer gör, och som inte enbart intar en kompisroll. Samordnarna uppskattas inte av de unga när de inte gör någon skillnad. En samordnare som inte ringer eller på andra sätt tar kontakt, som förblir okänd och anonym och som förefaller ha ett otydligt eller ”dimmigt” uppdrag får ingen respekt. Samordnare uppfattas som obetydliga och oanvändbara om de inte framträder som tydliga personer i de ungas värld.
I denna artikel analyseras muntligt gestaltade erfarenheter hos 27 överlevande efter kriget i nordvästra Bosnien under 1990-talet. Syftet är att dels beskriva hur de intervjuade framställer det sociala fenomenet «offerskap», dels analysera diskursiva mönster som medverkar i konstruktionen av kategorin «offer». Aktörernas anspråk på statusen «offer» skapar en konkurrens om offerrollen efter kriget. Konkurrensen mellan kategorierna tycks utspela sig på en symbolisk nivå. Reproducerandet av konkurrens om offerrollen tycks upprätthålla de gränsdragningar som spelades ut så tydligt under kriget.
Syftet med studien är att analysera hur underrättelsepersonal och operativ personal inom de olika gränsmyndigheterna i den baltiska regionen framställer ”kriminella ryssar” och vilka diskursiva mönster som medverkar i konstruktionen av kategorin ”den normupplösande ryssen”. Studiens analytiska upptäckter presenteras under följande teman: (1) Konstruktion av normupplösning och moralisk panik: exempel kriminell, (2) Konstruktion av normupplösning och moralisk panik: exempel spion och (3) Konstruktion av normupplösning och moralisk panik: exempel militär invasion. Den varierande moral som aktörer inom underrättelse- operativt polis- och gränsbevakningsarbete uppvisar, och den förstärkning av argumentet för behovet att bekämpa den andra (”ryssen”), kan tolkas på flera sätt. En tolkning är att den konstruerade rädslan för den normupplösande ryssen och återgiven moralisk panik är ett uttryck för en social identitet, i och med att den baseras på en kontrast i förhållande till de andra. Genom att bygga upp idéer om ”fiender” skapas och återskapas moralisk panik samt den professionella polis- och gränsbevakningens yrkesidentiteter. Dessutom utkristalliseras i studiens analys bilden av ryssar som utpekade av polis och gränsbevakare i Baltiska regionen.