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  • 1. Bromander, Tobias
    et al.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Näringspolitik2004In: Svensk politik och den Europeiska unionen / [ed] Daniel Silander, Charlotte Wallin, Tom Bryder, Malmö: Liber, 2004, 1, p. 115-137Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 2.
    Erlingsson, Gissur Ó
    et al.
    Linköpings universitet.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    Statistiska Centralbyrån.
    Anti-immigrant parties, local presence and electoral success2012In: Local Government Studies, ISSN 0300-3930, E-ISSN 1743-9388, Vol. 38, no 6, p. 817-839Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Does the local organisational presence of anti-immigrant parties affect their chances for electoral success? In order to answer this question, the article explores the potential of a supply-oriented explanation to anti-immigrant party success by examining the electoral advancements the Sweden Democrats (SD) made in the 2006 and 2010 elections. Our results indicate that traditional demand side-explanations to anti-immigrant party success can be successfully complemented by a ‘internal supply-side argument’ to make the electoral fates of these parties more intelligible. Whether the SD had a local organisational presence had a substantial effect on its results in the national election and on the probability of gaining representation in local councils. Thus, the party´s fate in the national as well as local elections was largely determined by whether or not it had a local organisational presence in Swedish municipalities. 

  • 3.
    Gunnarson, Carina
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Antimafia, School and the Promotion of Generalized trust2009Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This article analyses whether it is possible to develop generalized trust through public action at the grass-root level. We will analyse the impact of seven public schools in Palermo, Sicily, a city that is largely dominated by organized crime. Hierarchical regression analysis shows that the most important school factors for the development of generalized trust are related to openness of school structures, fairness of institutions, the character of peer interaction and students’ participation in voluntary organized activities within the school premises. The positive effects of participation in voluntary school activities can be contrasted to the negative influence of participation in social groups outside the realm of the school. The analysis also shows a small but significant effect of the family’s socio-cultural level on generalised trust. The article uses unique panel data collected at two different occasions in Palermo, in 2002 and 2005. The students were 10-11 years old in the first panel wave and 13-14 years old in the second.

  • 4.
    Gunnarson, Carina
    et al.
    Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Uppsala universitet.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    School and the Promotion of Generalized Trust: Experiences from Sicily2012In: Journal of Trust Research, ISSN 2151-5581, Vol. 2, no 2, p. 171-201Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores how generalized trust increases or decreases over time as a result of students’ individual experiences of informal school institutions. However, since experiences in local settings are likely to have varying effects on trust in different groups of strangers, we disentangle the concept of generalized trust and separate between different group-trust items. In the article, we show that three of these measure in-group generalized trust while one taps out-group generalized trust. Drawing on original data, collected in seven public schools in Palermo, Italy, between 2002 and 2005, we conclude that experiences of the school climate are transferred to both in-group and out-group generalized trust. However, our second main conclusion is that involvement in associations outside of school tends to generate distrust in people who resemble the respondents’ in-group. By distinguishing between in-group and out-group generalized trust, we thus show that school experiences generate trust in unknown people in general, whereas other localized experiences are exclusively transferred to trust, or distrust, in familiar groups of people. We conclude by arguing these findings are of potentially great importance to trust research since they suggest that generalized trust is less stable and more multi-faceted than previously thought. Moreover, since Palermo is a critical case, we argue that our results are encouraging. If schools can generate trust here, then schools are likely to have a similar effect elsewhere, in more favourable settings.

  • 5.
    Hagevi, Magnus
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Blombäck, Sofie
    Mittuniversitetet.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Demker, Marie
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Hinnfors, Jonas
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Changed Policy Congruence Between Political Parties and Voters?: A Comparative Study of Seven Party Systems in Western Europe2018Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This study is about changed policy congruence between voters and political parties in seven party system in Western Europe. To investigate change, this paper includes policy congruence between voters and political parties during five decades starting in the 1970s. According to scholars of political parties, especially advocates of the cartel thesis such as Katz and Mair, representative democracy in Western Europe is in an ever-widening crisis since the links between citizens and political parties are broken. By comparing unique data of the actual LeftRight and GAL-TAN positions in the election manifestos of 70 West European parties with corresponding views among their voters, this study argues that the crisis of representation is largely exaggerated. Instead, the policy congruence between current parties and voters, on left-right as well as gal-tan issues, tend to be at least as good as the time before the alleged crisis of representation started.

  • 6.
    Hagevi, Magnus
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Are the Predictions of the Cartel Party Thesis Supported in the Swedish Case?2018In: Cartelisation, Convergence or Increasing Similarities?: Lessons from Parties in Parliament / [ed] Henrik Enroth and Magnus Hagevi, London: ECPR Press, 2018, 1, p. 43-69Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 7.
    Hagevi, Magnus
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    ”Låt partimedlemmarna rösta om ny partiledare”2015In: Dagens Nyheter, ISSN 1101-2447, no 16 september, p. 6-Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Stoppa flykten. De politiska partierna har förlorat medlemmar sedan 80-talet och de kvarvarande går i allt större utsträckning i otakt med partiernas väljare. Botemedlet är att göra medlemskap mer attraktivt för stora grupper genom ökad interndemokrati. Låt medlemmarna välja ordförande i direkta val, skriver två docenter i statsvetenskap.

  • 8.
    Hagevi, Magnus
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Partierna och demokratin efter medlemsnedgången2015In: Låt fler forma framtden!: Forskarantologi. Bilaga till betänkande av 2014 års Demokratiutredning – Delaktighet och jämlikt inflytande / [ed] Olle Wästberg, Stockholm: Wolters Kluwer, 2015, 1, p. 13-64Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Del I inleds med ett kapitel som handlar om hur de politiska partiernas verklighet och förutsättningar har förändrats under de senaste decennierna. Magnus Hagevi och Karl Loxbo belyser i Partierna och demokratin efter medlemsnedgången de problem som den stora nedgången i antal partimedlemmar har inneburit för partiernas interna demokrati och för partiernas roll som länk mellan medborgare och makthavare i den representativa demokratin. De fastslår att avståndet mellan medlemmar och väljare har vuxit, men att medlemsinflytandet samtidigt har förbättrats.

  • 9.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Att rösta mot systemet2012In: Den svenska väljaren / [ed] Magnus Hagevi, Boréa Bokförlag, 2012, 1, p. 165-181Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 10.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences. Statsvetenskap.
    Bakom lyckta dörrar: Beslutsprocessen bakom den svenska pensionsreformen2009In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 111, no 3, p. 239-264Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    The reform of the Swedish pension scheme (ATP) illustrates a surprising ability among Swedish politicians to sidestep entrenched partisan conflicts and establish consensus. Although several studies set out to explain the comparatively successful reform, the significance of new, and exclusive, institutions for decision-making has largely been overlooked. The hypothesis of this article, however, suggests that the creation of these new institutions is what really explains the Swedish success story. In order to test the hypothesis, decisions and negotiations leading up to the reform are process-traced, and opinions among voters and central actors that were excluded from the process are explored. The results indicate that the pension reform was made possible by the highly restricted decision-making process, and also cast doubts on whether the same pension reform would have been possible without it. These new institutions for decision-making, however, might have negative consequences for the future functions of representative democracy.

  • 11.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Bakom socialdemokraternas beslut.: - från 1950-talets ATP-strid till 1990-talets pensionsuppgörelse2007Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In 1959, the Swedish Social Democratic Party prevailed over the bourgeois parties in the great battle for supplementary pensions (ATP). In the 1990’s, however, the party leadership decided to abolish the ATP in close cooperation with the bourgeois parties. The thesis poses the following question: “What prospects did the Social Democratic leadership have to gain support for the ATP-reform in the 1950’s, and then for the quite dissimilar pension reform in the 1990’s, and how can differences between these prospects be explained?”

    In order to explain the kind of party change pointed out in the problem statement, this thesis proposes a theoretical perspective that focuses on the tension between different roles played by the party leadership on different arenas. The hypothesis, that is tested in the thesis, is that early decisions create different constrains for future decisions on different arenas.

    The thesis has two main conclusions. The first conclusion is that the decision to implement the generous ATP-system in the 1950’s in practice laid the ground for the subsequent abolishment of that same system in the 1990’s. The second conclusion is that the pragmatism, always displayed on the parliamentary arena, has not been visible on the electoral arena or on the party arena. The party leadership plays different roles on different arenas, and over time these different roles have become hard, if not impossible, to combine. The result of this was that decisions on the parliamentary arena were decoupled from messages and rhetoric about these decisions on the party arena, and on the electoral arena. The pension reform in the 1990’s was quite a different decision compared to the popular introduction of the ATP-system. Both of these decisions, however, were attempts by the party leadership to maximize support on each arena. The possibilities for succeeding in this venture were greatly reduced in the 1990’s. Instead of one party striving for one goal, Swedish Social Democracy in the 1990’s appeared as two or three parties, with different objectives and goals.

  • 12.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Designing Blame Avoidance: The Policy-Making Process Behind the Swedish Pension Reform 1991-19982008Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 13.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ethnic diversity, out-group contacts and social trust in a high-trust society2018In: Acta Sociologica, ISSN 0001-6993, E-ISSN 1502-3869, Vol. 61, no 2, p. 182-201Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Although ethnic diversity is widely believed to undermine social trust, several scholars have argued that this outcome ultimately depends on the extent of high-quality contacts between diverse groups as well as the extent of equality in society. This article scrutinises these different hypotheses by exploring the association between ethnic diversity and social trust among Swedish schoolchildren. Building on data from Sweden, where legacies of equality would be expected to provide unique opportunities for building trust among diverse groups, the contribution of the article to the literature is twofold. First, it was found that contextual diversity is only weakly related to adolescents’ trust. Furthermore, while interactions revealed that a higher socio-economic level in a classroom reinforces, rather than cushions, the adverse effect, it is concluded that contextual measures obscure the micro-level dynamic underlying the association between diversity and trust in classrooms. Second, when accounting for compositional effects, and the distinction between in-group and out-group contact, the findings strongly supported the conflict hypothesis, while rejecting the contact hypothesis. The principal finding is that ethnic diversity in a classroom undermines social trust among native-born adolescents, whereas the effect is the exact opposite for minorities. In addition, social trust is only promoted if adolescents interact with members of their ethnic in-group. Because these disconcerting results were found in the high-trust context of Sweden, it is suggested that similar findings are likely in less favourable settings. The article concludes by arguing that the high levels of social trust in traditionally homogenous, but increasingly segregated, countries such as Sweden may conceal the fact that individuals primarily include others who are similar to themselves in their ‘imagined communities’.

  • 14.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    EU-frågan: Ett socialdemokratiskt dilemma2006Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 15.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Europeanization, Cartelization, and the Three Faces of the Party: The Contradictory Responses of Swedish Social Democrats to the Challenges of European Integration, 1990-20062011Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 16.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Europeisering och kartellisering av nationella partisystem?: Förändrade konfliktlinjer mellan partierna i riksdagens EU-nämnd mellan 1995 och 20122014In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 116, no 1, p. 123-147Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Several scholars argue that Europeanization, by transferring political authority to non-partisan supra-national institutions, leads to depoliticization, and even party system cartelization, at the national level. Other scholars, however, maintain that European integration instead is likely to boost partisan conflicts over time. This article tests these rival hypotheses – depoliticization or politicization – using a case study of Swedish European Affairs Committee between 1995 and 2012. If Europeanization results in depoliticization and a waning of opposition, the article argues that the Swedish experiences are likely to confirm this tendency. Yet, in contrast to these expectations, the article presents evidence indicating that partisan struggles on Europeanization in Sweden – particularly on issues of relevance to the left-right divide – has intensified significantly over time. Therefore, the article  casts a shadow of doubt over the hypothesis of depoliticization, as well as over the influential cartel party thesis, while instead supporting the rival hypothesis of increased politicization.

  • 17.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Har den interna demokratin i politiska partier försämrats över tid?2009In: Sociologisk forskning, ISSN 0038-0342, Vol. 46, no 4, p. 7-27Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 18.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hög generell tillit och låg tolerans mot främlingar?2014In: SurveyJournalen, ISSN 2001-9327, Vol. 1, no 2, p. 68-85Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In light of Sweden’s exceptionally high levels of generalised trust, a widely argued view is that this country is well equipped to counterbalance contemporary challenges of xenophobia and build trust between diverse groups. However, while trust remains at high levels in Sweden, the same, somewhat paradoxically, goes for xenophobic attitudes. Therefore, the main question addressed in this article is why many Swedes report that they trust ‘most people in general’ while simultaneously displaying high levels of xenophobia. Drawing on unique survey-data, the article presents three main answers. First, the article shows that Swedish respondents place much more trust in their cultural in-group – which they tend to equate with ‘most people’ – than in their cultural out-group. Second, when relating these different measures of trust to respondents’ degree of xenophobia, on the one hand, and their party preferences, on the other hand, the article shows that an overwhelming majority of the electorate report that they trust people from Western Europe, while only a minority report that they tolerate and trust non-Europeans. Third, and most crucially, the article finds that high trust in the cultural out-group is associated with tolerance, whereas high trust in the in-group instead appears to breed xenophobia.

  • 19.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sverigedemokraterna: Framgångsrikt enfrågefokus2015In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 117, no 2, p. 169-187Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Sweden Democrats: Single-Issue Focus and Electoral Success. In the 2014 election, the Sweden Democrats (SD) established itself as the third big- gest party in Sweden. With the aim of explaining this unexpected electoral breakthrough, I argue that stigmatised parties like the SD ultimately shape their own fates by choosing how to exploit political opportunities that face them in different arenas. Drawing on a variety of data sources, I support this argument by presenting evidence indicating that the vast mobilisation SD-voters in 2014 largely is a prod- uct of strategies by the SD-leadership to exploit a perceived political vacuum in the wake of convergence between mainstream parties. The article suggests, moreover, that the very high degree of stigmatisation surrounding the SD, in fact, has facilitated internal strategies to normalise the ideological appeal of the party. In light of these findings, the article concludes by arguing that the current actions of Swedish mainstream parties are bound to further strengthen the SD.

  • 20.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences. Statsvetenskap.
    Sverigedemokraterna i fullmäktige: Påverkas koalitioner och politik i kommunerna?2008In: Kommunal ekonomi och politik, ISSN 1402-8700, Vol. 12, no 4, p. 7-32Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    The radical right-wing Populist Party, the Sweden Democrats (SD), triumphed in the

    2006 local elections in Sweden. Previous research, however, does not tell us much

    about the political effects of the upswing of such a party. This article contributes by

    investigating effects on coalitions, and politics in Swedish municipalities. Building on

    previous research, three hypotheses are tested: These hypotheses state that the SD,

    when holding the balance of power in a municipal council, increases the probability (i)

    for cross-partisan coalitions, (ii) for minority coalitions, and (iii) that minority coalitions

    looses votes. It is concluded that the SD indeed limits the opportunities of the established

    parties, resulting in slight increase in cross-partisan coalitions, but a much

    more substantial increase in minority coalitions. It is further concluded that the SD,

    when controlling the balance of power in municipalities with minority rule, increases

    the probability that the ruling coalition looses votes.

  • 21.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Fate of Intra-Party Democracy: Leadership Autonomy and Activist influence in the Mass Party and the Cartel Party2013In: Party Politics, ISSN 1354-0688, E-ISSN 1460-3683, Vol. 19, no 4, p. 537-554Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article argues that the widespread hypothesis, stating that intra-party democracy has declined since the glory days of the mass party is too sweeping and, largely, empirically groundless. In order to test it, the article draws on a comparison between two internal policy-making processes within the Swedish social democratic party (SAP), one concerning an expansion of welfare benefits, in the 1950s, and the other concerning a retrenchment in the 1990s. If intra-party democracy is in a state of decline, the results of the comparison most likely should confirm this tendency. Yet, the article concludes that party leaders exercised considerably less control, while activists were much more influential, in the 1990s than in the days of mass party mobilization, in the 1950s. Therefore, drawing on a single case study, the article casts doubts over the influential decline hypothesis and proposes new venues for research on the fate of intra-party democracy.

  • 22.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    The Impact of the Radical Right: Lessons from the Local Level in Sweden, 2002-20062010In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 33, no 3, p. 295-315Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this article is to further develop the argument that the interaction between radicalright-wing challengers and mainstream parties is bound to shape not only the trajectory of the latter, but also the future prospects of the former. Drawing on recent developments in Sweden, following the Sweden Democrats’ (SD) appearance in local politics in 2002 and 2006, the article demonstrates that the SD has had an impact on the coalition practices of Swedish mainstream parties, responsible for the emergence of minority governments rather than grand coalitions. This trend suggests that the mere presence of a radical right party, although small and isolated, polarises the party system. The article supports the notion that the interaction between unequal competitors matters to the trajectory of the party system, and further concludes that the current responses of Swedish mainstream parties appear to improve, rather than to curb, the fortunes of the SD in subsequent elections. Finally, the article presents evidence indicating that the presence of the SD in local councils causes increased levels of political conflict.The results imply that the impact of the radical right is more immediate than suggested by previous research.The fact that the typically stable Swedish party system has been put under strain as a result of a seemingly minor challenge suggests that the radical right is a political force with which to be reckoned.

  • 23.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Utmaningar mot det svenska partisystemet2010In: Avstamp:: Svenska folkets värden och åsikter i brännande samhällsfrågor. / [ed] Magnus Hagevi, Växjö: Linnaeus University Press , 2010Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 24.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Utmaningen från radikala högerpopulistpartier2015In: Partier och partisystem / [ed] Magnus Hagevi, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2015, 1, p. 133-147Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 25.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Vaksamhet mot korruption och New Public Management2010In: Offentlig Förvaltning. Scandinavian Journal of Public Administration, ISSN 2000-8058, E-ISSN 2001-3310, Vol. 14, no 3-4, p. 38-60Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Even in a ‘least corrupt’ case like Sweden, scholars have begun to argue that rapid NPM reform has increased the risks for corruption. With the aim of scrutinizing this argument, this article sets out to map the degree to which the risk for corruption is brought to attention by politicians and civil servants in Swedish municipalities. The article concludes that corruption is a much more salient issue in municipalities with far-reaching NPM-reforms than in municipalities lacking such reform. It is concluded, furthermore, that corruption is likely to become an increasingly important issue on the political agenda if municipalities, regardless of their population size, have a history of client-choice models. Accordingly, the article shows that corruption is framed as a political problem precisely in those contexts where theory predicts that problems ought to be most extensive. Even though the results cannot say anything about the actual levels of corruption in Sweden, they indicate that politicians and civil servants with more extensive experience from NPM appear to acknowledge the increased risks for corruption pointed out by scholars.

  • 26.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Voters' Perceptions of Policy Convergence and the Short-term Opportunites of Anti-immigrant parties: Examples from Sweden2014In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 37, no 3, p. 239-262Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In contrast to previous studies on the political opportunity structures of anti-immigrant parties, this article argues that voters’ perceptions of policy convergence between mainstream alternatives affect their short-term propensity of supporting such partisan challengers. Drawing on leading research in the field, two hypotheses about voters’ perceptions of policy convergence, in two policy areas (economic-redistribution and immigration), are presented. The main findings in the article suggest that policy convergence between mainstream parties has a more immediate impact on the electorate than commonly recognised. Building on unique data from Sweden, the article shows that perceived convergence between Swedish mainstream parties in the field of immigration policy increases potential support for the anti-immigrant party, the Sweden Democrats (SD). Yet the results are the opposite when it comes to perceptions of convergence in the field of economic-distributive policies. In contrast to widespread assumptions, the article thus finds that policy convergence between mainstream parties only appears to create short-term opportunities for anti-immigrant parties if it takes place on their own policy turf. These results indicate, in other words, that the potential electorate of the SD – which is a wider group than hard-core xenophobes – is largely driven by preferences about immigration policy, rather than the short-term urge to protest against mainstream parties. The article, therefore, concludes that the cordon sanitaire to isolate the SD in Sweden – which is underpinned by de facto convergence between mainstream parties on immigration policy – could improve, an is unlikely to curb, the short-term electoral opportunities of this party. 

  • 27.
    Loxbo, Karl
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Bolin, Niklas
    Mid Sweden University.
    Party Organizational Development and the Electoral Performance of the Radical Right: Exploring the Role of Local Candidates in the Breakthrough Elections of the Sweden Democrats 2002-20142016In: Journal of Elections, Public Opinion, and Parties, ISSN 1745-7289, E-ISSN 1745-7297, Vol. 26, no 2, p. 170-190Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    It is today commonplace to view radical right parties as masters of their own fates. However, whereas most authors in the field focus on dominant leaders, the impact of party organizations remains understudied. To remedy some of this, we study the impact of three unique measures of organizational development on the electoral performance of the Sweden Democrats (SD) in four consecutive local elections between 2002 and 2014. When controlling for crucial demand- and supply-side factors, while holding the appeal of the national leadership constant, we find that the size, competence, and stability of the local candidate base were all decisive for explaining the success of the SD. These findings suggest that a developed organizational base not only matters to the long-term persistence of radical right parties, but also to their electoral breakthrough. Additionally, we suggest that party organizations are likely to have a greater impact in countries where radical right parties are already established. We conclude by arguing that our findings potentially provide insights into mechanisms that explain how new parties in general establish themselves 

  • 28.
    Loxbo, Karl
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Erlingsson, Gissur
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    Supply Equals Success?: The Sweden Democrats’ Breakthrough in the 2006 Local Elections2009Report (Other academic)
  • 29.
    Loxbo, Karl
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hagevi, Magnus
    Are the Predictions of the Cartel Party Thesis Supported in the Swedish Case?2018In: Cartelisation, Convergence or Increasing Similarities?: Lessons from Parties in Parliament / [ed] Magnus Hagevi och Henrik Enroth, ECPR Press, 2018, p. 43-69Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 30.
    Loxbo, Karl
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sjölin, Mats
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Parliamentary opposition on the wane?: The Case of Sweden, 1970–20142017In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 52, no 4, p. 587-613Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While it is commonly assumed that parliamentary opposition is on the wane in Western democracies, we argue that evidence supporting this established proposition is lacking. Therefore, drawing on unique data from the Swedish parliament (the Riksdag), between 1970 and 2014, this article breaks new ground by systematically testing the ‘waning–of–opposition thesis’. First, we explore patterns of cross-partisan cooperation by gauging the extent to which governments seek to accommodate the position of the opposition. Second, we tap into the degree of partisan conflict over time by mapping the degree to which the opposition politicises and rejects government policies. Our findings directly contradict the waning–of–opposition thesis. In contrast to theoretical expectations, including the influential ‘cartel party thesis’, the article finds that partisan struggles in general have intensified significantly over time. Therefore, the article casts a serious shadow of doubt over the influential idea that parliamentary opposition is waning.

  • 31.
    Wångmar, Erik
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Finlands sätt bör bli Sveriges2010In: Kommunalvetenskaplig Tidskrift (i Finland), ISSN 0356-3669, no 1, p. 90-96Article in journal (Refereed)
1 - 31 of 31
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