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  • 1. Dahnsdotter, Nathalie
    et al.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Det civila samhället och internationellt utvecklingssamarbete: Forskningsöversikt. Samhällsplanering och miljö.2014Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Rapporten gör en översikt av svensk forskning kring civilsamhälle organisationer och deras roll i det internationella utvecklingssamarbetet.

  • 2. Edman, S
    et al.
    Ewald, Jonas
    University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Maraba coffee - visar att det går! Succéhistorien om Abahuzamugambi Coffee Cooperative: Rättvis handel och ekologisk kaffeproduktion kan skapa landsbygdsutveckling och framtidshopp i Afrika2005Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 3.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Are democracy, good governance and development improving at the national and local level in Tanzania? 25th of October 2015: Progress report to COSTECH for the project with research clearance No: 2014-66-NA-2014-212015Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper present fresh field work data from three case studies carried out in different fieldworks in the period January 2014 to February 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 1996/2000-2013 (5) has brought about more democratic and decentralised decision making processes. The main findings point to that even if the local government has well elaborated structures for governance and democratic participation from the sub-village/street to the district level, the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. We examine to what extent various actors at various levels can - and do -exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. Our findings indicate that the local government reforms have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The Local Government Reform has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and Incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally, at the different levels of local government. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains a challenge as the local government reforms have inadequately strengthened the governance system at the local levels. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures. The Village and in particular the Sub-village structures have, however, a huge and underestimated potential, both as entry point in the political system, and as effective mechanisms for democratic governance. The overall conclusion is that the decentralisation process has been reversed to a re-centralisation process.

  • 4.
    Ewald, Jonas
    University of Gothenburg.
    Challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania: Moving towards consolidation 50 years after independence?2011Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Tanzania has been independent in 2011 for 50 years. While most neighbouring states have gone through violent conflicts, Tanzania has managed to implement extensive reforms without armed political conflicts. Hence, Tanzania is an interesting case for Peace and Development research. This thesis analyses the political development in Tanzania since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1992, with a focus on the challenges for the democratisation process in connection with the 2000 and 2005 elections. The question of to what extent Tanzania has moved towards a consolidation of democracy, is analysed through an analysis of nine different institutions of importance for democratisation, grouped in four spheres, the state, the political, civil and economic society. Focus is on the development of the political society, and the role of the opposition in particular. The analysis is based on secondary and primary material collected in the period September 2000 to April 2010. The main conclusion is that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed, in practice single-party rule has continued, manifested in the 2005 election when the CCM won 92% of the seats in the parliament. Despite an impressive economic growth, poverty remains deep and has not been substantially reduced. On a theoretical level this brings the old debate between liberal and substantive democracy back to the fore. Neither the economic nor the political reforms have apparently brought about a transformation of the political and economic system resulting in the poor majority gaining substantially more political influence and improved economic conditions. Hence, it is argued that the interface between the economic, political and administrative reforms has not been sufficiently considered in the liberal democratic tradition. Liberal democracy is necessary for a democratic development, but not sufficient for democracy to be consolidated. For that a substantive democratic development is necessary.

  • 5.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania. Moving towards consolidation years after independence?2013Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Tanzania has been independent in 2011 for 50 years. While most neighbouring states have gone through violent conflicts, Tanzania has managed to implement extensive reforms without armed political conflicts, Hence, Tanzania is an interesting case for Peace and Development research. This dissertation analyses the political development in Tanzania since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1992, with a focus on the challenges for the democratisation process in connection with the 2000 and 2005 elections. The question of to what extent Tanzania had moved towards a consolidation of democracy, is analysed by looking at nine different institutions of importance for democratisation grouped in four spheres: the state, the political, civil and economic society. Focus is on the development of the political society, and the role of the opposition in particular. The analysis is based on secondary and primary material collected between September 2000 to April 2010. The main conclusion is that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed, in practice single-party rule has continued, manifested in the 2005 election when the CCM won 92% of seats. Despite impressive economic growth, poverty remains deep and has not been substantially reduced. On a theoretical level this brings the old debate between liberal and substantive democracy back to the fore. Neither the economic nor the political reforms have brought about a transformation of the political and economic system resulting in the poor majority gaining substantially more political influence and improved economic conditions. Hence, it is argued that the interface between the economic, political and administrative reforms has not been sufficiently considered in the liberal democratic tradition. Liberal democracy is necessary for a democratic development, but not sufficient for democracy to be consolidated. For that a substantive democratic development is necessary.

    About the author:Jonas Ewald is lecturer and researcher in Peace and Development Studies. His main research areas are democratisation and its linkages to development, conflicts, and post-conflict management, with a focus on East Africa/Great Lakes Region—and Tanzania and Rwanda in particular.

  • 6.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Challenges to the democratisation process in Tanzania2010In: Tanzania in transition from Nyerere to Mkapa / [ed] Havnevik, Kjell and Isinika, Aida C., Dar es Salaam ; Uppsala: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, 2010, p. 223-264Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 7.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Demokratiseringens utmaningar i Tanzania2012In: Habari : medlemsblad för Svensk tanzaniska föreningen, ISSN 0345-4371, Vol. 44, no 3, p. 8-9Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 8.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Fördjupas den demokratiska samhällsutvecklingen i Tanzania? Valen 2015.2015Conference paper (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Fördjupas den demokratiska samhällsutvecklingen i Tanzania? Valen 2015.Tanzania är ett intressant exempel i Afrika, med en relativt god demokratisk och ekonomisk utveckling - och inga väpnade konflikter. Det senaste året har dock ett antal lagar införts som begränsar informations och yttrandefrihet och den föreslagna nya konstitutionen kritiseraras av oppositionen.  Situationen på Zanzibar är spänd. Och den politiska temparaturen het inför de uppkommande valen hösten 2015. I vilken riktning går den politiska utvecklingen i Tanzania? 

  • 9.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Nine challenges for the transition to democracy in Tanzania2011In: ECAS 4, the 4th European Conference on African Studies: 15–18 June 2011, Uppsala, Sweden : African Engagements: On Whose Terms?, Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2011Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Nine challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania is analysed, based on extensive field work in connection with the elections in 1995, 1999/2000, 2004/2005 and in 2008.

  • 10.
    Ewald, Jonas
    University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Post election violence and conflict management in Kenya in connection with the 2007 election2008In: International Conference on The Great Lakes Region. Progress, Challenges and Opportunities, Butare, Rwanda: Centre for Conflict Managment, National University of Rwanda , 2008Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Driving force behind post-election violence in the Kenyan elections in 2007/2008 is analysed.

  • 11.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Raw material extraction, conflicts of interest and inclusive development. The case of gold mining and gas extraction in Tanzania: Paper presented at the7th European Conference on African Studies ECAS 2017 with the theme: Urban Africa - Urban Africans: New encounters of the rural and the urban, AEGIS. Basel 28-30 juni 20172017Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 12.
    Ewald, Jonas
    University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Rwanda2008In: Africa Yearbook 4: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara 2007 / [ed] Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber, Klaas van Walraven, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2008, p. 347-359Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Regional conflict dynamics and political development in Rwanda 2007 is analysed. Reforms, institution building, effort to balance between reconciliation and justice is analysed. Human rights and the debate on the political space in Rwanda are assessed. Rwanda's relation to the region and the international society is discussed.

  • 13.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Göteborg University, Sweden.
    Rwanda. A model for successful post-conflict transformation – or a freezing of underlying conflicts?2005In: Nordic Africa Days. The panel Post-Conflict Transition, The State and Civil Society in Africa, Uppsala, 2005Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The paper analyse Rwanda's development after the genocide and the regional dynamics. The balance between reconciliation and justice is discussed, and the Rwandan model for post-conflict management. The regional conflict complex is analysed and how Rwanda is linked, directly and indirectly.

  • 14.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Göteborg University, Sweden.
    Rwanda: Political, Economic and International development 20042005In: Africa Yearbook Volume 1: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara 2004 / [ed] Klaas van Walraven, Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2005, p. 313-325Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The chapter analyses Rwanda´s political, and socio-economic developments in 2004. The post-genocide tensions, efforts to build institutions for reconciliation and justice and the regional conflict dynamics are assesed and put in context. 

  • 15.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Göteborg University, Sweden.
    Rwanda: Political, Economic and International development 20052006In: Africa Yearbook Volume 2: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara in 2005 / [ed] Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber, Klaas van Walraven, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2006, p. 310-322Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Rwanda's political and economic development 2005 is analysed. The reconciliation process and the proceedings of the gaca gaca courts as well as the trial processes in the International tribunal for Rwanda is summarised. The regional and international relations is discussed, and the conflict dynamic assessed. Challenges are identified.

  • 16.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Göteborg University, Sweden.
    Rwanda: Political, Economic and International development 20062007In: Africa Yearbook Volume 3: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara / [ed] Andreas Mehler; Henning Melber; Klaas van Walraven, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2007, p. 337-348Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 17.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Swahili popular music- so rich and diverse! Some notes on its development an function from a Tanzanian perspectiv: Presented at the Swahili days, a seminar for cititzens from East Africa countries in Sweden arranged by the Kenyan Embassy, 
Stockholm 10th of June 20172017Conference paper (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [en]

    Why is EA music so interesting and important?

    Entertain, have fun, dance, enjoy life; Ceremonial and official functions; national days; family festivities/weddings. Important for building knowledge of the history and culture.Create feeling of belonging and identity. Convey wisdom and moral values (or the opposite:Tease, discuss and criticize social and political issuesPolitical mobilisation/awareness - for good and less good reasonsStrengthen knowledge about and use of SwahiliAnd has been successful! Strengthen Swahili as a lingua franca in Eastern Africa – and strengthened the feeling of belonging together in Eastern Africa

    Music in East African has developed in a fantastic way!It has developed through a combination of global, transnational, trans-cultural, local and international influences – like all music – to a rich diversity of various genres, with a genuinely distinct sound and style It has made Eastern Africa known far outside the individual countriesIt create jobs and economic opportunities in a rapidly growing cultural sector, together with dance, video, film and TV production – entertainment industry It’s vitality, energy and creativity inspires Eastern Africans – and others - and make them both proud and aware of the importance of the Swahili cultureIt can promote the unity of the citizens to overcome ethnic and religious division and motivate the youth – but could as well be used for the opposite…It has promoted Swahili as lingua franca in the region – and the greater region - and maybe in front of all contributed to build a feeling of belonging and common identity in the Eastern African Region – from the Somali Coast, Comoros, Mozambique's, Malawi, Zambia, Eastern DRC, Southern Sudan and the EAC countries.

  • 18.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Turbulensen kring den konstitutionella processen2014In: Habari : medlemsblad för Svensk tanzaniska föreningen, ISSN 0345-4371, Vol. 46, no 1, p. 3p. 19-20Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Artikeln ger en forskningsbaserad översikt av debatten och processen kring den nya konstitutionen i Tanzania. Oppositionen i Tanzania har sedan flerpartisystemet infördes krävt att den gamla enpartikonstitutionen med alla dess begränsningar i organisations, yttrande och informationsfrihet skrivs om. Den mest känsliga frågan gäller dock Zanzibars ställning och huruvida unionen skall styras av en, två eller tre regeringar.

  • 19.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Är demokrati och utveckling ömsesidigt förstärkande? 
Ett exempel från Tanzania2013Conference paper (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Under 1990- och 2000-talets utvecklingsforskningsdebatt etablerades föreställningen att fattigdom kunde brytas med hjälp av liberala ekonomiska reformer, liberala politiska reformer och new-public management inspirerade förvaltningsreformer samt att de tre ”reformpaketen” var ömsesidigt förstärkande, oavsett i vilken kontext de tillämpades.

    Men är det verkligen så? Det är en fråga som jag intresserat mig för i min forskning om demokratiseringsprocessen i Tanzania, i olika omgångar med fältstudier sedan flerpartisystemet infördes 1992, senast nu i september 2013. Jag vill här peka på några sidoeffekter av de olika reformpaketen som tvärtemot den förgivet tagna positiva samverkan mellan liberalisering av ekonomin och införande av flerpartisystem och ”gott styrelseskicksreformer” riskerar att underminera viktiga mål inom andra politikområden, om de inte beaktas.

  • 20.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Ökenhett valklimat – bakgrunden till årets dramatiska val2015In: Habari, ISSN 0345-4371, Vol. 47, no 4, p. 7-9Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Årets val är det mest dramatiska valet, sedan självständigheten. Aldrig tidigare har så många varit så engagerade och maktkampen så hård och jämn mellan olika partikonstellationer. När detta skrivs dagen före valet är det fortfarande helt oförutsägbart hur valresultatet blir – för första gången i Tanzanias historia. Även om CCM med största sannolikhet vinner, så är det sannolikt med en mindre marginal än förra gången, och med en mycket större mobilisering.

    När vi tänker på årets mycket heta val och bedömer hur väl flerpartisystemets institutioner fungerar, så tror jag att det är bra att ta ett historiskt perspektiv. Årets val är Tanzanias sjätte flerpartival, sedan flerpartisystemet (åter)infördes för 23 år sedan. Av de 54 år Tanzania varit självständigt styrdes landet som enpartisystem i 28 år, fram till det formella beslutet att införa flerpartisystem 1992. Det tar tid att montera ned maktstrukturer och bygga upp nya institutioner – och framför allt att förändra människors attityder från enpartisystemets tänkesätt och dominans, till en mer demokratisk kultur.

  • 21.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Johansson, Kajsa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Nilsson, Anders
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Åkesson, Gunilla
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Biståndspolitiska plattformen är starkt ideologiserad2014Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 22.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Mellander, Lotta
    University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Shao, Ibrahim F.
    University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    A Matter of Choice? Cost sharing in health and education from a rights of the child perspective in Pangani, Rombo and Geita Disticts in Tanzania: Final report to Sida/Sarec2007Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This report analyse findings from extensive field research on local level in Pangani, Rombo and Geita districts in the period 2000-2004, on the effects of the introduction of user fees in health and eduction for various types of childrens rights to health and education. The report conclude that a number of reforms have been decided upon and implemented. Still however, the rights of the child to health and education as spelled out in the by Tanzania signed convention on Children’s rights has not been fully respected. Particular children to poorer families, and to a certain girl child’s, rights are violated. Especially vulnerable are orphaned or abandon children, even if they are taken care of by grandmothers. Access to health and education for all children is important for ensuring not only improved life chances for individual children, and households, but also for long term development of the whole country. To increase the fees to health and education does not seem to be a viable road to achieve that, if not poor peoples incomes increase first.

    Concerning choice health was considered as an emergency cost and always had priority, gender or type of child did not matter. Education was considered to be an investment, and in times of scarce resources, the child considered to have the best opportunities to pass school was given priority, and gender played a lesser role then the team had assumed from the beginning. In no few cases girls were given priority to boys, as girls was considered to be more trustworthy to return the investment in the future. Children belonging to the core family was to a larger exten given priority then other children in the family. 

  • 23.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam.
    A Democracy Profile of Tanzania - a background study: A Report presented to the EU-delegation in Tanzania2015Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This report highlights the successes and the most serious challenges of democracy at this stage in Tanzania and the priorities needed to address them. The summary also outlines possible entry points through which political dialogue and technical cooperation initiatives could be feasible and have the greatest impact.

    Tanzania is going through a period of rapid economic, political and cultural change. In a relatively short time, some 25 years, the country has moved from being a one-party state-led system to a market economy and multi-party system, all within the context of limited institutional capacity and resources. Electoral democracy is now fairly well established in principle, even if the independence of the Electoral Management Bodies is questioned. Democratic institutions have been strengthened, although the executive branch continues to dominate over the legislative and judiciary. Freedom of press, association and speech has improved. However, Tanzania cannot be regarded as a deep democracy. The conditions for an open and competitive political system, such as the full respect for political rights, competitive elections, independence of the institutions in charge of accountability promotion and protection of key democratic stakeholders, are not yet fully met. A more comprehensive, substantive democracy would better deliver on political, economic, social and cultural rights by increasing the accountability and participation around political decision-making.

    However, compared with its neighbours in the sub-region and the whole of Africa, Tanzania does fairly well, as indicated by e.g., in Freedom House index.The main challenge is whether the current political system and power structure has the capacity to continue reforms, furthering the opening up of the political space; and leading to a stronger democratic culture and better economic and social development for the Tanzanian people, in a peaceful way.

    The economy grows but reduction of poverty remains limited New economic activities develop, and so do an elite and a small middle class in urban, and some rural areas. Expectations are rising, not least among the youth. However, despite economic growth, basic needs poverty has only slightly been reduced from 34,4% to 28%, while the number of people below the poverty line has increased in absolute terms, as a result of continued high population growth. 44 per cent of the population live on less than 1.25 USD a day. Cleavages between the poor and the better off, and between urban and rural areas are deepening. The 2012/2013 household budget survey indicates that poverty has increased everywhere except in Dar es Salaam, and a few larger cities. Hence there is a trajectory of poverty decline but it is still very fragile. Even if the provision of health and education services has improved, - the relative quality of service delivery is arguably not improving or even deteriorating.

    Changing values. An important heritage of Tanzania is Julius Nyerere’s legacy of nationalism and altruism. However these values have eroded over time, weakening the social fabric that has held the nation together since independence.Globalisation and an increasing number of young people completing their education cycle; rapid urbanisation (particularly among young adults); and the rapid expansion of TV, mobile telephones and internet access have brought about a change in values and expectations and have increased divides between generations and societies, men and woman urban and rural areas. These changing values have also raised awareness, not least of girls and women’s rights, which clash with the traditional patriarchal values. New networks and tools to voice concerns and hold those in power to account have started to develop. Old paternalistic power structures have started to be questioned, potentially opening up the political landscape.

    New economic actors, especially BRIC countries, are changing the rules of the international game. With an increase in foreign direct investments, Tanzania is becoming less dependent on western aid, causing the majority of the ruling party, and the political administration to challenge traditional reliance on western donors and western perspectives. As a result, support for a western-type liberal democracy from some factions of the political and economic elite might shift towards new role models, such as the BRIC states.A diverse multi-party system has continued to develop since its inception in 1992.

    Although opposition parties have made progress over the last 10 years, they are still weak and the former only party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), is still ruling. CCM has a well-developed organisation, characterised by a strong central authority. The party has robust personal networks, with close links to all levels of the administration, as well as to various economic elites and power centres outside the party, including the security forces. Even if gradually fading away, the one-party culture is still alive, especially at the local level in rural areas, where the majority of the population still lives. A remarkable change appears to have occurred between 2010 and 2014: In the 2014 Afro barometer survey, 75% of respondents from Tanzania gave support to multi-party democracy, which is among the highest in the Sub Saharan Africa.Until recently, no other party has proven strong enough to challenge CCM. Even though Tanzania now has 21 registered political parties, only five managed to get into Parliament in 2010. The majority election system contributes to preserving CCMs dominance. Only CUF and CHADEMA, and to a lesser extent NCCR-Mageuzi, have transformed into institutionalised political parties and, having received substantial support in the elections, command a degree of legitimacy. Nevertheless, the distribution of financial, human and organisational resources between CCM and the opposition parties remains skewed. Power struggles exist not only between the ruling party and the opposition, but also within each party between different factions and between the opposition parties. These divisions are rarely based on ideological or political differences, but rather on personalities and patronage. Nevertheless, changes have taken place both within the ruling party, through new generations of members whose political world view was formed in a multi-party context, and from outside the party where rapid urbanisation, globalisation and changes of values have provided a breeding ground for new political ideas. In the last five years CHADEMA has developed as a viable alternative to CCM and managed to capture the attention of the young, entrepreneurs and the educated urban middle class. The party won a substantive 27 percent of votes in the 2010 election, and a much higher share of votes in the cities. In the December 2014 local election the opposition preliminarily secured 34% of the seats. Four parties in the opposition have formed a loose coalition called Ukawa, with the aim to field one joint candidate in all constituencies and for the Presidency. For the first time, CCM is facing a real challenge in the 2015 election, even if it is unlikely that it would lose its power on the mainland. In any case, the low voter turnout on the mainland in the 2010 elections (39 percent compared with 73 percent 2005) and the civic polls in December 2014  might signal voter (or democracy) fatigue. Zanzibar maintained its traditionally high voter participation with 89 percent of voters exercising their right in the island of Unguja, and 85 percent in Pemba. Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT) started by a breakaway faction from CHADEMA 2014 after a power struggle over ideology and leadership with one the periods most effective politicians, Zitto Kabwe, Public Account Committee chairman and a driving force in exposing corruption and misuse of power as one of the leaders, might contribute to a vitalisation of ideology based political debate as the party has declared itself as socialist, while the CHADEMA and CUF have taken on faith based conservative and liberal ideology, respectively.The integrity of the political parties and freedom of organisation and assembly are still limited by various outdated laws and institutions. The Police at times use excessive force with political activists and do not allow public demonstrations. As the multi-party system is not yet consolidated, issues surrounding intimidation and unfair competition are likely to persist for years. The opposition parties would not necessarily be more democratic or efficient than the current ruling party, but they have not yet been given the chance to prove themselves.

  • 24.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    IDS, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Are democracy, good governance and development improving at the national and local level in Tanzania?2014In: Nordic Africa Days, Uppsala, 2014, Uppsala, 2014Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 25.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Mhamba, Robert
    Democratic Development in Tanzania. An analysis of the period 2010-2015.2015Report (Other academic)
  • 26.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Leveraging Tanzania´s extractive sector for inclusive development: The case of gold mining in Geita - Tanzania2015In: The Extractive Industries for African Development. A paradigm shift: Pennstate University, USA, March 27 2015 / [ed] Kidane Mengistab, Pennsylvania, USA: African Studies Program, Pennsylvania State University , 2015Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 27.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Recentralisation? The missed opportunity to make a local turn of development, the case of the decentralisation reforms in Tanzania2015Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper present fresh field work data from three case studies carried out in May 2013 to January 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 1996/2000-2013 has brought about more democratic decision making processes, and hence heralding a “local turn” of development. The main findings point to that even if the local government has well elaborated structures for governance and democratic participation from the sub-village/street to the district level, the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. The study examine to what extent various actors at various levels can exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. Our findings indicate that the local government reforms have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The Local Government Reform has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and Incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally, at the different levels of local government. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains a challenge as the local government reforms have inadequately strengthened the governance system at the local levels. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures. The Village and in particular the Sub-village structures have, however, a huge and underestimated potential, both as entry point in the political system, and as effective mechanisms for democratic governance.  However, this opportunity to make ta “local turn” appears to rather have turned to recentralisation

  • 28.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    IDS, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Tanzania Local government reform - towards de-centralisation or recentralisation? (Abstract accepted for presentation in the panel Local State-making in Africa.2015In: AEGIS V (Africa-Europe Group for Interdisciplinary Studies) Bi-annual Conference, Paris, July 7-8 2015, Paris, France, 2015Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Tanzania Local government reform - towards de-centralissation or recentralisation? This paper present fresh field work data from case studies carried out from January 2014 to Mars 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 2000-2013 has brought about more democratic decision making processes – and state building on local level. The LGRP is a typical “Blueprint administrative reform funded and guided by international donors’ agencies”. The main findings is that the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. We examine to what extent various actors, including national and local CSO, at various levels can exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. We also look at the role of large international mining companies and local governments. Our findings indicate that the LGR have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The LGR has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains, in particular in mineral rich areas. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures.

  • 29.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam.
    Will the up-coming elections rift democratic development in Tanzania?
- Discussion on some risks and possibilities: A presentation at the Swedish Embassy, Dar es Salaam 2014-01-232014Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 30.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Nilsson, Anders
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Närman, Anders
    Handelshögskolan Göteborg.
    Stålgren, Patrik
    Institutionen för statsvetenskap, Göteborg.
    A Strategic Conflict Analysis for the Great Lakes Region2004Report (Other academic)
  • 31.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Centre for Africa Studies, School of Global Studies, Göteborg University.
    Nilsson, Anders
    Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Närman, Anders
    Kulturgeografiska institutionen, Göteborgs Universitet.
    Stålgren, Patrik
    Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Göteborgs Universitet.
    Lake Victoria Region - a strategic conflict analysis2004Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Different types of actual and potential conflicts around Lake Victoria and East Africa are analysed. Policy recommendation for potential interventions.

  • 32.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences.
    Wohlgemuth, Lennart
    School of Global Studies, Gothenburg University.
    Challenges for the Opposition and Democratisation in Tanzania: A View from the Opposition2012In: Africa Development, ISSN 0850-3907, Vol. 37, no 2, p. 63-95Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In the period after 1990, a massive return to liberalised forms of politics has taken place and has been largely centred around the dismantling of one party- regimes, the termination of a large number of military-led or dominated governments, the embrace of a multiparty political framework, the introduction of an independent media, the restoration of some basic freedoms to the people of the countries concerned and the convening of multi-party elections. This development was so widespread and overwhelming that it was seen by many observers as the beginning of Africa’s second liberation (Olukoshi 1998; Gyimah-Boadi 2004; Mkandawire 2006). Potential gains to the peoples from the liberalisation of their national political spaces were undermined since the 1980s by the conditions set by outside suppliers of necessary resources, combined with internal challenges in terms of weak institutions, civil society and media as well as lack of a tradition of multi- party democracy and general poverty. Matters appear to have been worsened by the fact that in many African countries the promise which the opposition once represented as the bearer of the hopes and aspirations of the people has substantially faded away. Several factors have contributed to weaken and, in some cases, discredit the opposition in much of Africa’s ongoing experience with multiparty politics. This is a serious development that begs for further investigation; as the development of a healthy and vigorous opposition is a major part of a democratic framework. In this study, we will see how the situation in Tanzania has evolved over the past 17 years of multi-party development; based on rather unique interviews with Professor Ibrahim Lipumba, leader of one of Tanzania’s major opposition parties.

1 - 32 of 32
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