The aim of this paper is to examine how the Swedish political parties the Sweden Democrats (SD), Social Democrats (S), and the Moderates (M) relate to the principle of freedom of expression and the burning of the Quran, which has sparked a Koran crisis as well as a security crisis in Sweden in 2023. The analysis methodology applied in this study is a descriptive idea analysis, which aims to identify values, descriptions, and prescriptions conveyed by the parties during their speeches and debates. The paper also applies three theoretical perspectives:Sociological institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism and John Stuart Mill's harm principle, to explain and evaluate the parties' arguments and positions through institutional factors, rational choice, and moral principles. The study reveals noteworthy disparities in the perspectives of the parties concerning the significance of freedom of expression, the causes and consequences of the Koran burnings, and the appropriate measures to deal with the situation. This research facilitates comprehension of the political discourse and the course of action associated with a contentious and delicate topic that impacts the democracy and security of Sweden.

This comparative analysis is based on two theoretical frameworks, called implementation theory and agenda-setting theory, which aims to investigate how the reception of refugees from the year 2015 in Sweden differs in comparison to the reception of refugees in year 2022 as well as looks into how this has affected the Swedish society. The implementation theory focuses on how the reception of refugees is handled within political decisions and changes while the agenda-setting theory centers around how the reception of refugees in the media affected the population further analyzing how these two cases have affected the Swedish society as a whole. The material used for this analysis mostly derives from Swedish government websites and relevant articles that are applied to the chosen theories. With this, the study concludes that the reception of refugees in 2015 shows a case of failure, in relation to the implementation theory, while the reception of refugees in 2022 shows a case of success. In addition to this the reception of refugees portrayed in the media differs in 2015 compared to 2022 which resulted in immigrants from 2015 having a harder time in society as opposed to the immigrants in 2022 being more welcomed and supported in the community in accordance with the agenda-setting theory. From this the Swedish society was affected in negative ways dividing people in 2015 but changing in 2022 because of unity that influenced the community in more positive ways.

The Traditional Islamic Approach is rooted in Islamic teachings and principles, emphasizing the importance of justice, compassion, and dialogue as mean to achieve peace. In contrast, the Islamic Iranian Counterpoise Approach is a more contemporary approach that reflects the Iranian government’s national interest and aims to counteract the influence of Western Powers in the region. This study will make a comparative analysis that will examine the traditional Islamic and Islamic Iranian counterpoise approaches towards regional peace. The study also examines the similarities and differences between these two approaches, highlighting their strengths and weaknesses under the umbrella of Islamic republic of Iran. The analysis explores from the theoretical foundations of both approaches previously used by the scholars in both historical and cultural contexts, as well as their practical applications in the Middle East. The findings suggest that while both approaches have their merits, the traditional Islamic approach offers a more sustainable and inclusive approach to regional peace. This approach prioritizes peaceful conflict resolution, dialogue, and mutual respect, that is a key to fostering long-term stability and harmony in the region. In contrast, the Islamic Iranian counterpoise approach, while effective in countering external influence, may lead to increased tensions and conflicts in the region. Overall, the analysis contributes to the on-going debate on approaches to regional peace in the Middle East, providing insights into the historical and contemporary factors that shape these approaches and their implications for regional security and stability.

A history of fragility and conflicts in Somalia has had severe impact on the security of citizens, most notably children. Different non-state actors and armed militias have appeared in Somalia’s timeline impacting the region’s, neighboring and global security. The prevalence of child soldiers in Somalia is alarming and so is the presence of armed groups that regularly recruit them. This paper focuses on studying the causes of child recruitment from a human security lens, examining the impact of fragility in Somalia and the ways by which one particular group; al- Shabaab exploits the fragile environment to recruit children. Qualitative data from different online sources is analyzed indicating that the instability in Somalia and the recruitment of children remain closely interlinked, and human security and development in the region are compromised by corruption, poor governance, societal division, ongoing conflicts and displacement.

A review written by Dagens Nyheter displays that in Sweden in 2021, patients are allowed to choose a doctor and a dentist based on their ethnicity and skin color. This occurs systematically throughout the country.

The purpose of the thesis is that with the method qualitative case study, Jan Jämte’s general review of racism as a theoretical framework and supporting material on guidelines and laws in the field, analyze whether the case regarding patients being able to choose a doctor and a dentist with only Swedish origin are counted as racism or not. Moreover, the purpose is to analyze which form (s) this case is based on. The thesis’ intention is also to analyze whether the health center and dental care violate ethical guidelines and laws.

This study concludes that this case is a coexistence of purely biological and cultural racism. Moreover, the study concluded that healthcare and dentistry violated both laws and their own ethical guidelines.

The intention of this essay was to conduct two comparative analytical units called, “Most Similar System Design" (MSSD). The first unit is Somalia and the other is Iraq. The main purpose of the essay is to study deeper in Somalia and Iraq’s democratization process and also to analyse the deference’s between these two countries based on democratization-process. The essay's key questions are: How did Iraq get further into the democratization-process compared to Somalia? Why couldn't Somalia make a successful democratization process like Iraq? The essay is implemented by Dankwart A. Rustows democratization factors. The results indicated that: (i) Somalia failed in its democratization-process, due to the absence of national unity and a rapid transition. One of the main obstacles was Puntland and Somaliland which hindered the national unity of Somalia. (ii) On the other hand, Iraq was different in its democratization- process. With the support of the United States, Iraq achieved great success in the unification of Iraqi civil society the embodiment of smooth transition. (iii) Finally, the conclusion indicates that: national unity, societal norms and a rapid transition were the decisive variables.

This study examines the conditions given to teachers in preschool class in order to execute the guarantee for early interventions and mandatory assessmentsof six-year-olds. The reform contributes an imperative policy that is to be interpreted literally to ensure equality. The study involves the analysis of survey responses from 792 teachers in 191 Swedish municipalities. The results reveal three gaps: 1) there is variety in the local preconditions and time spent on the assessments despite the standardization in this imperative policy, 2) the guarantee seems to be integrated into the local institutional culture rather than to be driving change, and 3) the reform seems to have become the teachers’ responsibility to implement within existing resources and timeframes. The conclusion is that the reform and its policy lead to large variation when implemented in local practice.Thus, national equality in education is difficult to achieve, even if the policy is imperative.

The purpose of this study is to examine the existng political discourse in the political document Tidö Avtalet, through Carol Baachi's disourse analysis framework What's the problem represented to be (WPR) to uncover implicit problem representation. And by using discourse theory to uncover the power dynamic and the intent of words, also the formation of words and it's meaning in Tidö Avtalet's migration policy. Which is an agreement between the far-right political wing in the Swedish parliament in term of office between the year 2022-2026. Tidöavtalet consist of seven different focus areas, described as problem ridden areas by the far-right coalition parliament. 

The results of the study point to the fact that the existing coalition parliament wants to regulate and rework the migration policy in Sweden and by doing so, will create the existence of proposals and constitutional amendments. This will in turn directly affect those seeking refugee in Sweden. Tidö Avtalet has been literary constructed by using words that emphasizes the asylum seekers obligation to follow the enforced asylum seeking laws in Sweden. There is a rather strict usage of words to describe the current climate surrounding the migration politics in Sweden. Which will affect the processing and investigation of asylum seekers. 

Humanitarian intervention is a concept that generates several problems in our time. The idea of humanitarian intervention concerns the modern norms of sovereignty and noninterventional principals. It also concerns the conventional norm, which declares that states are not allowed to interfere in other states’ internal affairs. The use of military force to implement humanitarian intervention is restricted according to international law. This is what this thesis intends to investigate. The purpose was to find out the causes behind the intervention in Libya, which was carried out by NATO. The main questions were (1) to find out if the intervention in Libya was a humanitarian intervention (2) or if there were other motives that were behind the intervention. Two classical international relations theories have been utilized for the analysis. The analysis focused on the five UN Security Council members’ statements and arguments, which have been expressed in the UN Security Council. This issue created a gap between the members of the Security Council, especially between the Western states and the Russian and Chinese authorities

This paper presents and empirically evaluates the idea that individual level political tolerance is influenced by the overall tolerance in society. Hence, the expectation is that more politically tolerant attitudes would be developed as a consequence of exposure to a social environment in which people in general are more inclined to accept freedom of speech, also when the message (or the messenger as such) challenges one’s own values and beliefs. The theoretical base of the analyses is a learning model, according to which more broad-minded and permissive attitudes, from a democratic point of view, are adopted as a result of (1) an adjustment stimulated by mere observation of an overall high-level of political tolerance in society (‘passive learning’), and (2) an adjustment due to cognition and interaction within important spheres in society (‘active learning’). Using surveydata, we explore empirically how length of residence among immigrants in high-tolerance Sweden are related to attitudinal measures of political tolerance, and to what extent a time-related effect is mediated through participation in ‘learning institutions’ of education, working-life, civil society and political involvement. In concert with expectations, the empirical findings suggest that an observed positive effect of time in Sweden on political tolerance may be explained by a gradual adoption of the principle that political rights should be recognized. Such an adoption, however, seems to require participation in activities of learning institutions, as we find that passive learning alone is not sufficient.

Immigrants in Western countries in general participate less in politics, and show lower levels of political efficacy, than native-born citizens. Research is scarce when it comes to immigrants’ knowledge about politics and public affairs in their new home country, and about what happens with this knowledge over the years. This paper focuses on immigrants in Sweden, a country known for ambitious multicultural policies, but where immigrants also face disadvantages in areas such as labor and housing markets. Utilizing particularly suitable survey data we find that immigrants in general know less about Swedish politics than natives, but also that this difference disappears with time. Exploring the positive influence of length of residence on political knowledge, the paper shows that the positive effect of time in Sweden among immigrants remains after controlling for an extensive set of background factors. Moreover, the paper examines this political learning effect through the lens of an Ability– Motivation–Opportunity (AMO) model. The findings suggest that the development of an actual ability to learn about Swedish politics—via education in Sweden, and by improved Swedish language skills—is an especially important explanation for the increase in political knowledge.

Scholarly findings suggest that immigrants in Western countries, in general, participate less in politics and show lower levels of political efficacy than native-born citizens. Research is scarce, however, when it comes to immigrants’ knowledge about politics and public affairs in their new home country, and what happens with this knowledge over the years. This article focuses on immigrants in Sweden, a country known for ambitious multicultural policies, but where immigrants also face disadvantages in areas such as labor and housing markets. Utilizing particularly suitable survey data we find that immigrants, in general, know less about Swedish politics than natives, but also that this difference disappears with time. Exploring the influence of time of residence on political knowledge, the article shows that the positive effect of time in Sweden among immigrants remains after controlling for an extensive set of background factors. Moreover, the article examines this political learning effect through the lens of an Ability–Motivation–Opportunity (AMO) model. The findings suggest that the development of an actual ability to learn about Swedish politics—via education in Sweden, and by improved Swedish language skills—is an especially important explanation for the increase in political knowledge.

Recent studies report high levels of political trust among immigrants in Western Europe. Notably, such confidence tend to be particularly pronounced among immigrants from countries without democratic institutions and poor records in terms of corruption level. Yet over time, members of these population categories tend to express decreasing levels of political trust. Following previous research, such a pattern may be explained by high initial—although with time retreating—expectations concerning the quality of institutions in Western Europe. Analyzing Swedish survey data—particularly appropriate in the light of competing hypotheses concerning acculturation and barriers to integration, including discrimination—this paper presents additional support for the importance of expectations when it comes to political trust. Our analyses suggest that the gradual development of more modest expectations regarding institutional performance in the new country is a trustworthy explanation of the falling levels of immigrants‘ political trust.

Political trust among immigrants in Western Europe seems to be surprisingly high, especially among immigrants from non-democratic countries with institutions plagued by corruption. Over time, however, trust tends to diminish among these individuals. In this paper we argue that this may neither be explained by acculturation nor by experiences of discrimination. Analysing Swedish survey data we instead conclude, although tentatively, that falling expectations regarding the performance of host country institutions is a fruitful explanation. Such expectations presumably become more modest the longer one has been living in Sweden, causing a time-related drop in the overall confidence in Swedish political institutions.

This paper empirically evaluates the idea that individual level political tolerance is influenced by the overall tolerance in a given society. The expectation is that more tolerant attitudes would be developed as a consequence of exposure to a social environment in which people in general are more inclined to accept freedom of speech, also when a specific message challenges one’s own values and beliefs. A theoretical learning model is formulated, according to which more broad-minded and permissive attitudes, from a democratic point of view, are adopted as a result of (1) an adjustment stimulated by mere observation of an overall high-level of political tolerance in society (‘passive learning’), and (2) an adjustment due to cognition and interaction within important spheres in society (‘active learning’). Using survey data, we explore empirically how length of residence among immigrants in the high-tolerance country of Sweden is related to measures of political tolerance. Further, we examine to what extent a time-related effect is mediated through participation in a set of ‘learning institutions’—focusing on activities related to education, working-life, civil society and political involvement. In concert with expectations, the empirical findings suggest that a positive effect of time in Sweden on political tolerance may be explained by a gradual adoption of the principle that political rights should be recognized. Importantly, however, such an adoption seems to require participation in activities of learning institutions, as we find that passive learning in itself is not sufficient.

This study aims to examine the EU’s normative power through the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) before and after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. The study is a comparative study and was carried out through a document study of official documents and treaties. To pursue the aim the following questions were asked: What are the differences and similarities within the EU's common trade policy before and after the introduction of the Treaty of Lisbon and does the Treaty of Lisbon increased the normative ambition of the EU?

In this study Ian Manners theory Normative Power Europe has been categorized into direct normative actions and indirect normative actions. The empirical material is based on literature, primary document, Official Journal of the European Union and EU: s webpage.

The conclusions of this study show that the Treaty of Lisbon has changed the constitutional basis for the common commercial policy in several ways. The CCP has more room after the Treaty of Lisbon to develop and take on direct normative actions. The major difference is that the CCP now endorse all the Union’s objectives, principles and values which give the CCP more opportunities to set normative requirements and gain normative power.

The purpose with this study is to investigate, scrutinize and to understand the current political situation in Ukraine and why it has not been progressed. The disastrous democratic process and the country´s existing and indefatigable problems are studied through dynamics that deals with the country’s ethnic divisions and the conflict with Russia regarding several regions in Ukraine. In this paper, a case study is used as the method, and by applying Anna Jarstads dilemmas of democracy process and Arend Lijpharts Consociational democracy is as well, the investigation shows that this system of democracy model can be successful Ukraine if they take regards to Anna Jarstads four dilemmas. The conclusion of this study means that it is important to take regards into the dilemmas of democracy and therefore must be regarded to when a country is trying to build a state based on democracy and that no improvement can be done without it. And the process of democracy should take impression of the Consociational democracy model, otherwise it´s more likely that the political volatility will remain and further increase.

Hur revisorerna ser på sig själva och sin profession har förändrats över tiden. I denna rapport utgår vi från den bild som professionen har gett av sig själva i tidskriften Balans från 1989-2011. Vi följer hur synen på professionella normer, kunskapsbas, yrkesroller, avgränsningar mot andra professioner, organisering av den professionella föreningen, självreglering och hur man ser på andra parters påverkan på professionen. Våra resultat pekar på en ökad kommersialisering av professionen där revision allt mer ses som en produkt bland andra konsultprodukter. I stort har utvecklingen av bilden av revisorn följt utvecklingen av verksamheten inom de stora revisionsföretagen. Samtidigt har makten över utvecklingen avrevisionsprocess och professionella normer allt mer lyfts från nationell till internationell nivå och inflytandet över utvecklingen sker via komplexa nätverk av personer, organisationer och företag. Det kan därför vara dags att omdefiniera vad som är profession inom revisionsbranschen.

The purpose of this study is to examine the hypothesis that Moderaterna has developed its migration policy towards a more restrictive direction with the influence of the populist party Sverigedemokraterna, as a measure to prevent Sverigedemokraterna from winning the election. The international migration has in recent years grown significantly and has resulted in the increased numbers of populist parties. After the narrow victory in the 2022 election of the right-wing conservative party Moderaterna, the populist party Sverigedemokraterna has got its position as a cooperation party outside the government. 

​​The focus of this thesis is to use an idea analysis to investigate whether Sverigedemokraterna have influenced the migration policy of Moderaterna towards a more restrictive direction ahead of the 2022 election. The empirical material of the election manifesto has been analyzed based on the theory of party change where the selected questions have helped to fulfill the purpose.  

The final results from the analysis shows that a slightly change in Moderaternas migration policy can be noticed, but that it can not be interpreted as having taken place under the influence of Sverigedemokraterna. 

The aim of this study is to examine the democratization process of Kosovo in the years after the countries independence was assured. Two central questions for the case study consist of whether a democratic improvement in the country has occurred and which factors, positive and negative, are present to further improve or impede the democratizationprocess. The study builds upon two central definitions, democratic states and democratization in order to gain theoretical background to be able to measure these two quite abstract expressions. A socioeconomic model is used to measure favorable or negative developments within Kosovos society and the findings of this model confirms the hypothesis of modernization theory, namely that increased socioeconomic development increases the chance of a positive democratizationprocess. There has been a positive democratic development aswell as socioecomic progress but since the nature of this study is merely descriptive and not explanatory, it doesnt make claims on the explanatory power of modernization theory. A transition model is used for gaining a general overview of where in the democratizationprocess Kosovo currently resides. The findings of this model suggests that Kosovo currently sits in the transitionsphase of the model with problems like corruption and ethnical conflicts between minorities aswell as gender inequality as the main forces holding back the quality aspect of the consolidationphase.

Very much of the knowledge about patients nursing and care is located to the the patient or people related to the patient. The Swedish government has identified this problem in a national rapport and every region is responsible to implement a strategy or model to increase participation from affected patients. The Region of Kalmar county has a model for this problem called Utvecklingsrådet. By using a qualitative text analysis with framing theory and argumentative analysis approach towards the implementer process of Region of Kalmar county´s model this paper will exam how well this model has succeeded.

Utvecklingsrådet has grown to the extent that patients and relatives to patients is contributing in different management contexts and development work directly in the organizations. By the structure of utvecklingsrådet patients and relatives to patients contribute due to what the Swedish government asked for in the national report.    

The objective of the thesis is to explore if the European Union membership has changed the Swedish Green Party’s use of parlance, ideology and political content. To explore this, a quantitative content analysis has been done on election manifestos during a 30-year period on national parliamentary manifestos as well as European Parliament manifestos. A framework of green ideology as well as previous research of the Swedish Green’s is used to further the findings from the manifestos.

The thesis has found that the European Union membership has affected the Swedish Greens which is seen in the change of how they use language, their transformation of ideas throughout the years as well as their views on political areas and how that has expanded.

Further research is recommended to additionally explore the subject, a suggestion is to increase the material because that was an issue in this essay.

The discussion about the refugees in Europe has never before been as important to address as now. We rely on our decision-makers to call the right shots for the people in need. So what do we do, if we do not believe that they make the right decisions?

In March 2016, the European Union made a deal with Turkey to outsource the handling of the refugee-crisis. The EU will pay large amounts of money and grant visa liberation for the Turks, in exchange for them taking care of the refugees so they don’t cross the EU borders. The deal has been questioned by many and it criticized for being illegal and violating human rights. But it is still in effect.

This study aims to detect the motives of the EU-leaders that led to the deal and subsequently with the motives detect what kind of decision-process that made the decision possible. The study conducts a motive analysis, based on Axel Hadenius theory of hermeneutics. To conclude, the study will use the critics aimed at the deal to discover whether there is a gap between the stated motivations of the EU-leaders, and the result that the deal brings when implemented. 

This essay is a comparative study between Botswana och Zimbabwe. The author presents the four internal democratication factors which are: economic development, free values,authotarian divisions and the civil society. These factors are presented and applied to each country. Zimbabwe is a authotarian regime and Botswana is a democractic regime. Which of the factors influences the democratization process? The author found that it is the economic development. Industrialized countries are more prone to be democratic than poor countries. 

Can a nation without being an independent state reach democracy? According to some researchers a democratization process cannot happen without having an independent state with control over their own territories. The Kurdish people without a given state are divided between four authoritarian states in the Middle east and in opposite to its neighbors' have Kurds ambition to become democratic always existed. The purpose pf this thesis was to analyze if Iraqi Kurdistan is heading towards democracy and to find what the driving factors behind the democratization process are. The thesis used a qualitative text analysis approach with a complementary case study where the thesis focused on Larry Diamonds internal and external factors as a guiding instrument to determine what political mechanisms have driven Kurds and politicians' transition to democracy and peace. The analysis presented that authoritarian division, authoritarian development, free values, civil society, peaceful pressure and limits of sanctions and aid conditionally drove them. For answering the research problem, is a democratization processes possible for non-independent states? It is possible, Kurds in Iraq have so far accomplished to establish an electoral democracy, and a consolidated democracy is not impossible if legitimacy among politicians are increased and if freedom of expression is uncontrolled by politicians and if corruption decreases.

The aim of this study is to analyse "Report On The Investigation Into Russian Inerference In The 2016 Presidential Election", or the "Mueller report", and William Barr's summary of the same report by using poststructural critical discourse analysis. This critical analysis aims to examine how their potrayal differ and to analyse what impact that might have had on the political discource surrounding the US Presidency, Russia and the US election. In conclusion they differ quite a bit. While the Mueller report show supstantial evidence of obstruction of justice by Donald Trump, William Barr found that the report completely exonerated him. Attorney General William Barr's summary of the report was the first summary of the report to reach the public. Perhaps his description of the report had an impact on the decision whether to impede Donald Trump after the report came out. What impact did the Mueller report and Barr's summary of the same have on the political discource surrounding the legitimacy of the US election and the US presidency? 

This essay aims to present three different perspectives through which to analyse the decision made by Russia to invade Ukraine in 2022. The three perspectives used are based on the three theories of decision making found in the book Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis (Allison & Zelikow, 1999) and are as follows: the rational actor model, the organisational model, and the bureaucratic model.

Firstly, all the models are presented and three indicators for each model are determined. These indicators provide a framework for when finding and selecting relevant empirical evidence. Secondly, the decision by Russia to invade Ukraine is presented through the lens of each model – this, paired with empirical evidence, aims to give a deeper understanding of the theoretical models’ application to the case.

Throughout the course of the study, we find that there is empirical evidence that supports theoretical reasoning viewed through all three models. Although there is far more to uncover regarding the decision to invade Ukraine, qualitative case studies such as this one can act as a means to further the interest and understanding of the subject.

East Africa is experiencing an unprecedented youth bulge with Kenya and Uganda experiencing its negative effects. A growing youth population is vital for a country's growth and development. However it comes with social, economical and political challenges that can impact a country's stability. Rampant unemployment, poverty and poor governance demonstrated through corruption continue to affect the well-being and aspiration of youth in both countries. Elections in both countries are seen as the anchor of transformative change. However, a lack of transparency and credibility during elections has seen youth engage in electoral conflicts in both countries. This thesis investigated the role of youth political leaders in preventing electoral conflicts. I used content and historical analysis supported by open-ended questionnaires targeting 80 though political leaders from Kenya's Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) and Uganda's National Unity Platform (NUP). This method enabled me to collect emphirical data on their role as leaders knowledgeable about issues affecting their peers. My analysis indicated that from a policy and theoretical perspective, youth poltical leaders are capable of influencing their peers through effective conflict managment strategies. However from an institutional perspective, political party formal structures, and informal norms and practises impede their influencial capacity when it comes to emotive elections. I concluded that influencial youth political leadership is possible through a panacea of institutional reforms and strategic association with influencial political party leaders.

This paper is designed to analyse the situation regarding the attempt to implement democracy in Egypt and why it failed. Theories regarding democratic transition and consolidation is acting as scientific instruments to carry out this case study. This essay directs its focus on several key factors that has contributed to the prevention of democratic reforms. The theory concerning path dependence is used to compliment the remaining theories to distinguish vital historic aspects to this issue. Key factors such as the Muslim brotherhood, the Egyptian military and regime, as well as the liberal movement is examined in this paper to illuminate their respective contribution to this situation.

The conclusion of this paper focuses on the military, unwilling to surrender its power, along with the religiously fundamental brotherhood, growing rapidly. A democratic transition was in the making, only to be shut down by the military, regaining its former power. Although chaotic and military-biased reforms continued, they were far from democratic.  Because of all the key factors not sharing any political ideals, the situation has come to an abrupt halt regarding a democratisation process. The democratic ideal has become worn among the protestors and another try at a democratic transition is far from reality. 

This study examines whether the Swedish Social Democratic Party's foreign and defense policy has adopted a more realist tone since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Using ideal type analysis, the study compares Social Democratic policy documents from before and after the invasion to assess shifts along the idealism-realism spectrum. The analysis focuses on three key dimensions: referent objects (what needs to be defended), perceived threats, and proposed strategies. The findings indicate a notable shift towards realism after the invasion, particularly regarding threats and strategies. While idealist elements remain, especially on climate issues, there is an increased emphasis on national security, sovereignty, and military capabilities. The study concludes that the Social Democrats have indeed adopted a more realist foreign policy stance since 2022, though not abandoning idealism entirely. This shift reflects the party's attempt to balance long-held ideals with a changed security reality in Europe. 

Turkey is one of the most powerful and influential nations in the Middle East with many

important alliances, but what is the status of the democracy in the country? This thesis

aims to explain the challenges towards a consolidation process in Turkey. A case study

is used as a methodology and the research question is analysed with the help of the

theoretical framework from Juan Linz and Alfred Stepans with their five consolidation

arenas. The analysis examines the civil society, political society, economic society, rule

of law and state bureacracy in Turkey. These five arenas indicates to which extent the

consolidation difficulties exists. The results shows that many internal factors, with civil

liberties in danger, has complicated the democratic consolidation. The country’s history

with several military coups and ongoing battles with the kurdish guerilla PKK has also

kept back the democracy.

The wave of protests that swept over Middle East and North Africa in 2011, known as Arab spring, has failed to bring democracy to the regions. However, only in Tunisia the Arab spring led to a transition to democracy in 2011. After the democratic transition, Tunisia has been facing multiple challenges, such as political instability and terroristattacks. The aim of this study is to examine the political development in Tunisia in the period 2011-2022 to investigate obstacles and opportunities to democratic consolidation in Tunisia. Using case study as method and Samuel P Huntington’s theory of democratic consolidation, the study has identified that the democratic governments failure to deliver reforms to Tunisia’s economic problems and the lack of cooperation between political elite to find solutions to Tunisia’s economic problems , as two obstacles to the democratic consolidation. Moreover, the study explains the failure of democratic consolidation with the lack of development of a democratic political culture in the country since Tunisia’s economic problems have been exploited by the political elite to undemocratically increase their power. Despite a widespread support for democracy between the people, there is a risk for autocratization in Tunisia as country's current political system promotes one-man rule. 

The  aim  of  this  study  sought  to  explore  bias  during  the  period  of  the Swedish government  formation of  2018–2019. By  using  a method of  quantitative content analysis the  thesis examines the  frequency  of  favorable and unfavorable  news published by  Swedish  public service  as well  as  measuring  how  the general newscycle were  percieved  in terms of  the  theoretical  framework known as ”framing”.  In order  to assess eventual  prevalance  of  bias,  the  news published during the government  formation  were examined in  relation  to two oppositional  parties; The  green party  and  the Sweden Democrats.  The study  concluded with  no evidence of  systemic  bias  during  the  timeframe, in  contrast  the news consisted  of  a  rather well  balanced  favorability  and disfavorability  towards  both parties with the majority of  news  published being  of  neutral  statue. However  a  clear  majority  of  the published articles  were  deemed to be  framed in  terms of  being  a  ”zero-sumgame”  with ”winners”  and  ”losers”  during  the examined  time-period. 

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has raised interests in Russia’s foreign policy. One of the widely unexplored parts of that is Russia’s role in the Syrian civil war. Saving the Syrian regime from total collapse in Syria Russia played a key role in the conflict. This study aims to examine the Russian role in the conflict from many different international relation theories perspective. Realist, constructivist and liberal perspectives. In that way the writer of this thesis strives to explain Russia’s role from different perspectives using the main widely used international relations theories to broaden the perceptive on Russia’s role in the civil war. The results showed that the different theories had different ways in judging the Russian role in the conflict. Summarized. Realism had a very pragmatic materialistic approach in approaching Russians actions in Syria while constructivism and liberalism both reached unmaterialistic explanations to Russia’s actions. 

The refugee crisis in the world, specifically after 2015, which came as a result of the repercussions of the war in Syria and the absence of the right political vision in Iraq and Libya. This migration has led to increased pressures on many countries in the European Union, as a result of the influx of more immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa. The purpose of this research for the bachelor's degree in POLITICAL SCIENCE, is to reveal the impact of the political integration process on solving the refugee crisis that plagued Europe in 2015, with a close focus on the asylum policy adopted by the EU during the refugee crisis in 2015.  

The method used in this research is a qualitative case study in order to get an in depth understanding of the selected case and with the help of the data material obtained from the sources used. Through the method, materials and theoretical and empirical analysis, the purpose and questions posed within the research were answered. In this thesis, two theories were used in the research topic, namely, the theory of integration and the constructivist theory in international relations. 

The results were as follows. Europe was seeking for solidarity among their countries in solving the refugee crisis that occurred in 2015. Further that solidarity could provide solutions that contribute to the distribution of burdens among the countries of the European Union. Solidarity means establishing compatible solutions among the countries of the Union. The result also showed that the 2013 Dublin III Regulation and European Asylum Policy need to be reformed because they do not work effectively during times of crisis and exceptional events. 

The question regarding the democratic deficit has been a heavily debated issue for decades and is still present in contemporary literature. In the light of Brexit and the increase of Euroscepticism around the continent, the question regarding democracy is essential for the European union to obtain legitimacy. This essay aims to address the democratic deficit as a concept, the Lisbon treaty’s efforts to reduce the democratic deficit, and finally, examine if the democratic deficit has been reduced as a result to the implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon.  The study identifies the issue regarding the democratic deficit in five major subjects; demos, integration, participation, transparency and accountability. Many of the efforts helps reducing the deficit in some regards, but never to a full extent. The ordinary legislative procedure, the citizen’s initiative, the of granting more power to national parliaments, more transparency and assuring protection of human rights by law makes the EU more democratic, but not fully.  The issue regarding accountability, participation and especially transparency remains a problem, despite the Treaty of Lisbon’s efforts. This study shows that some parts of the EU simply can’t be made more democratic.

Globalisation has long been a debated issue in the political debate and in academia. nevertheless, there is advantages and disadvantages globalisation has led to. Thus, the motive behind this study will examine global collaborations, particularly the Trade Agreement and its global organisations and who is responsible for its regulation. The survey will find answers to the questions posed, which are following: How can geo-economic / political tools affect international trading systems particularly Washington-Consensus and Bretton-Wood’s system? What are the challenges to maintaining an open globalised world? 

The research design for this study was based on an explanatory qualitative theory-as case study of the UN Trade Agreements with member countries of the IMF, WTO, and WB. The Theoretical referendums applied are based on liberalism and Steger's dimensions of globalisation, including political, economic and cultural dimensions.

The results showed a significant correlation how political strategies can affect the economic and other dimensions of globalisation. The study has observed economic models, where it was found that self-regulatory economic systems is not sufficient to generate wealth in the world. Hence, many cases it may be necessary to supplement the financial management to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. The results showed that challenges from globalisation are highly tough and to some extent even necessary for the existence of humanity. furthermore, the study emphasises the importance of a globally functioning system, to save the planet, humans and create sustainable stable globalisation that generates everyone's prosperity without injustice.

Georgia is one of the few post-Soviet states that has shown ambitions to become a democratic country and a closer ally to the west. Since their peaceful revolution, the country has had issues with consolidating democracy. The purpose of this thesis is to understand the faltering consolidation factors behind Georgia's democratization. The research questions in this study were the following: Why hasn't Georgia succeeded to consolidate its democracy 2013 and 2018 based on Linz & Stepan's five consolidated arenas? The second research question was, have there been significant changes between the five arenas the years 2013 and 2018? In order to do so, this study has used Linz & Stepan's five consolidating arenas as theory. Their theory says that a country must fulfil each of these arenas to become a consolidated democracy. The arenas are the political society, civil society, rule of law, constitutional state, and economic society. This study is based on a theory-consuming qualitative case study. The results of this study showed that there were numerous factors behind Georgia`s faltering consolidation process. Such as polarised media, weak civic society, polarised political society, corruption, nepotism, and lack of meritocracy. Also, there has not been any significant differences between the years 2013 and 2018 that were studied except for the economic society.

Studies about the consolidation process in the post- Soviet era has become more popular since the countries gained their independence, one of them was Azerbaijan. However, the country has difficulties in consolidating democracy since it regained its independence. The mail goal of this study is to find out why the democratization process in Azerbaijan have faltered and the main factors behind it. Such as the role of the electoral process, civil society, and the constitutional state. This qualitative case study will mainly rely on material from Freedom House Index report & Nations in Transit. The theories that will be used in this study is Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan's theories "Towards consolidated democracies". They argue that in order to achieve a consolidated democracy there has to be a functioning political society, active civil society and a constitutional state. To strengthen the main theory in this study, we will rely on Robert Dahls five criterions that are needed in order to achieve a democracy. Results show that main factors behind Azerbaijan's faltering democratization is a relatively weak opposition, fragmented civil society and a legislative body that is not independent. Other main reasons for the faltering of democracy is high institutionalized corruption on every level of society

Examining Israel's measures against the nuclear weapons programs of Iraq, Syria, and Iran was the aim of this study. The research question is: Based on Walt's defensive realism and the balance of threat theory, why did Israel act/is acting against the Iraqi, Syrian and Iranian nuclear weapons programs?. Walt's defensive realism and the balance of threat theory, which is based on four separate threat components, are used to discuss and provide an answer to the main question of the research. Comparative case study was used as a method, and materials including speeches from government officials, databases of scientific research, and yearly assessments were used. The researcher came to the conclusion that Iraq 1981, Syria 2007 and Iran in 2009–2021 are considered to be threats to the state of Israel because they have supported anti-Israel militias and engaged in armed conflicts with Israel. The researcher used a comparative case study to draw this conclusion. With ballistic missiles that may reach Tel Aviv, the Tehran regime has frequently sponsored anti-Israel Shia-Sunni militias in the Middle East. In order to stop totalitarian governments in the area from compromising Israel's security, it was concluded that Israeli aggressive policy and assaults on the nuclear programs in Iraq, Syria, and Iran were important and rational.

This study examines women's political participation in the Middle East, aiming to understand their experiences and perspectives. Qualitative research methods were used, including interviews with women involved in political activities. The findings contribute to identifying barriers and causes of limited participation and provide suggestions for enhancing women's political engagement. The study emphasizes confidentiality and participants' right to withdraw consent. Overall, this research sheds light on the factors influencing women's political participation in the Middle East and informs efforts to promote gender equality and increased political involvement.

This thesis is based on a case study of Tanzanian youths’ political participation in urban Mwanza. The purpose of this study is to examine how urban youths understand their participation in various political activities in an emerging democracy like Tanzania. The research question guiding the study is how youths understand and value voting in elections in comparison to other forms of political participation. The study focuses on three different political activities; to vote, to contact a politician and to participate in a demonstration. The three political activities are combined with Verba et al.’s (1995) theory of the attributes of political activities into a theoretical analysis model. The thesis uses a qualitative methodology based on 19 semi-structured interviews with Tanzanian youths living in urban Mwanza. The results indicated that the youths in Mwanza understood voting as their prime opportunity to communicate their political voices to politicians. However, the youths expressed that political activities beyond voting facilitate them with opportunities to communicate more specific political messages to politicians multiple times. 

The purpose of the study is to investigate how social studies teachers in Sweden’s upper secondary school view the democratic challenges we face today in Sweden, as well as how they integrate these into their teaching with connections to what appears in the curriculum. These challenges come in the form of antidemocratic values, threats to the democratic conversation and democratic exclusion. The study is based on a qualitative interview study. The material that forms the basis for the work is the social studies teachers in Sweden’s upper secondary school based in Southern Sweden and from the Swedish curriculum for the upper secondary school and the syllabus for social science. Human rights, gender equality and people’s equal value are some of the fundamental values that counter democratic challenges. On the other hand, the so-called democracy mission faces challenges, as the school has doubled missions. The results have then been analyzed through Robert Dahl’s democracy model. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that the previous challenges to democracy still exist, while increasing at lower ages.