Swedish exhibits a binary tonal word-accent distinction (Accent 1, Accent 2) which is acoustically manifested in the fundamental frequency (fo) contour. Further acoustic correlates beyond fo have hardly been acknowledged in the past, although minor differences in segmental durations between A1 and A2 have been observed in some previous studies (e.g., Elert, 1964; Lundmark Svensson et al., 2017). In this study, we aim to scrutinize these durational patterns for two Swedish dialects (Scania and Stockholm Swedish) by means of testing whether duration as a correlate of Swedish word accents can be observed independently of effects such as focal lengthening and final lengthening. The few previously reported duration data for A1 and A2 in Swedish are, we will argue, not well in line with the numerous available reports on tone languages, which suggest that more complex tonal patterns are reflected by longer durations (e.g., K hnlein, 2015, and references therein). For Swedish, however, previous research has not consequently revealed longer durations where it would be predicted based on tonal complexity. For instance, for Stockholm Swedish, Elert (1964) observed a longer stressed vowel in A1 than in A2, although longer durations could be predicted for the more complex H*LH-pattern in A2 than for the (H)L*H in A1. One possible explanation of this inconsistency could be that the Swedish word accents per se might not significantly differ in duration at all, and the small durational differences between A1 and A2 are, instead, a bi-product of sentence-level prosody, which might, for reasons to be discussed at the conference, affect one of the word accents stronger than the other. In this study, we therefore compare segmental durations for A1 and A2 in focal and non-focal conditions in different positions in the utterance. Furthermore, we present two parallel analyses for two dialects of Swedish – Stockholm and Scania – which differ critically in the tonal composition (or rather timing) of the word accents, as well as in how focus is marked tonally.
The analyses are based on recordings from 24 speakers in total (6 women and 6 men per dialect), and 36 utterances per speaker (12 conditions, 3 repetitions). Speakers were asked to read variants of the sentence Boven/ar hade vinet/er i bilen/ar ‘(The) villain(s) had wine(s) in (the) car(s)’, where the three test words (villain, wine, car) are associated either with A1 (= def. sg. form) or A2 (= indef. pl.); a few relevant combinations of A1 and A2 forms were selected for this study. Furthermore, a narrow focus was elicited (using context questions) on either the first, second or third test word. Data are analyzed using linear mixed regression models. The results reveal an overall stable and uniform effect of word accent on the duration of the vowel in the stressed syllable (/i:/ in vin and bil) and the subsequent consonant (either /n/ or /l/), irrespective of focus condition, position in utterance (vin vs. bil) and dialect: both segments tend to be slightly longer in A2 than in A1 (except in the /l/ in post-focal bilen in Stockholm Swedish).
To conclude, this study suggests duration as a systematic correlate of the Swedish word accents, which, however, does not obviously seem to relate to tonal composition or complexity. We aim to collect fruitful comments and explanatory accounts from the conference delegates.
References
Elert, C.-C. (1964). Phonologic Studies of Quantity in Swedish. Based on Material from Stockholm Speakers. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell.
Köhnlein, B. (2015). The complex durational relationship of contour tones and level tones: Evidence from diachrony. Diachronica, 32(2), 231-267. doi:10.1075/dia.32.2.03koh
Lundmark Svensson, M., Ambrazaitis, G., & Ewald, O. (2017). Exploring multidimensionality: Acoustic and articulatory correlates of Swedish word accents. Proc. INTERSPEECH 2017, Stockholm, Sweden. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/Interspeech.2017-1502